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Practical thematic analysis: a guide for multidisciplinary health services research teams engaging in qualitative analysis

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  • Peer review
  • Catherine H Saunders , scientist and assistant professor 1 2 ,
  • Ailyn Sierpe , research project coordinator 2 ,
  • Christian von Plessen , senior physician 3 ,
  • Alice M Kennedy , research project manager 2 4 ,
  • Laura C Leviton , senior adviser 5 ,
  • Steven L Bernstein , chief research officer 1 ,
  • Jenaya Goldwag , resident physician 1 ,
  • Joel R King , research assistant 2 ,
  • Christine M Marx , patient associate 6 ,
  • Jacqueline A Pogue , research project manager 2 ,
  • Richard K Saunders , staff physician 1 ,
  • Aricca Van Citters , senior research scientist 2 ,
  • Renata W Yen , doctoral student 2 ,
  • Glyn Elwyn , professor 2 ,
  • JoAnna K Leyenaar , associate professor 1 2
  • on behalf of the Coproduction Laboratory
  • 1 Dartmouth Health, Lebanon, NH, USA
  • 2 Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice, Geisel School of Medicine at Dartmouth College, Lebanon, NH, USA
  • 3 Center for Primary Care and Public Health (Unisanté), Lausanne, Switzerland
  • 4 Jönköping Academy for Improvement of Health and Welfare, School of Health and Welfare, Jönköping University, Jönköping, Sweden
  • 5 Highland Park, NJ, USA
  • 6 Division of Public Health Sciences, Department of Surgery, Washington University School of Medicine, St Louis, MO, USA
  • Correspondence to: C H Saunders catherine.hylas.saunders{at}dartmouth.edu
  • Accepted 26 April 2023

Qualitative research methods explore and provide deep contextual understanding of real world issues, including people’s beliefs, perspectives, and experiences. Whether through analysis of interviews, focus groups, structured observation, or multimedia data, qualitative methods offer unique insights in applied health services research that other approaches cannot deliver. However, many clinicians and researchers hesitate to use these methods, or might not use them effectively, which can leave relevant areas of inquiry inadequately explored. Thematic analysis is one of the most common and flexible methods to examine qualitative data collected in health services research. This article offers practical thematic analysis as a step-by-step approach to qualitative analysis for health services researchers, with a focus on accessibility for patients, care partners, clinicians, and others new to thematic analysis. Along with detailed instructions covering three steps of reading, coding, and theming, the article includes additional novel and practical guidance on how to draft effective codes, conduct a thematic analysis session, and develop meaningful themes. This approach aims to improve consistency and rigor in thematic analysis, while also making this method more accessible for multidisciplinary research teams.

Through qualitative methods, researchers can provide deep contextual understanding of real world issues, and generate new knowledge to inform hypotheses, theories, research, and clinical care. Approaches to data collection are varied, including interviews, focus groups, structured observation, and analysis of multimedia data, with qualitative research questions aimed at understanding the how and why of human experience. 1 2 Qualitative methods produce unique insights in applied health services research that other approaches cannot deliver. In particular, researchers acknowledge that thematic analysis is a flexible and powerful method of systematically generating robust qualitative research findings by identifying, analysing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data. 3 4 5 6 Although qualitative methods are increasingly valued for answering clinical research questions, many researchers are unsure how to apply them or consider them too time consuming to be useful in responding to practical challenges 7 or pressing situations such as public health emergencies. 8 Consequently, researchers might hesitate to use them, or use them improperly. 9 10 11

Although much has been written about how to perform thematic analysis, practical guidance for non-specialists is sparse. 3 5 6 12 13 In the multidisciplinary field of health services research, qualitative data analysis can confound experienced researchers and novices alike, which can stoke concerns about rigor, particularly for those more familiar with quantitative approaches. 14 Since qualitative methods are an area of specialisation, support from experts is beneficial. However, because non-specialist perspectives can enhance data interpretation and enrich findings, there is a case for making thematic analysis easier, more rapid, and more efficient, 8 particularly for patients, care partners, clinicians, and other stakeholders. A practical guide to thematic analysis might encourage those on the ground to use these methods in their work, unearthing insights that would otherwise remain undiscovered.

Given the need for more accessible qualitative analysis approaches, we present a simple, rigorous, and efficient three step guide for practical thematic analysis. We include new guidance on the mechanics of thematic analysis, including developing codes, constructing meaningful themes, and hosting a thematic analysis session. We also discuss common pitfalls in thematic analysis and how to avoid them.

Summary points

Qualitative methods are increasingly valued in applied health services research, but multidisciplinary research teams often lack accessible step-by-step guidance and might struggle to use these approaches

A newly developed approach, practical thematic analysis, uses three simple steps: reading, coding, and theming

Based on Braun and Clarke’s reflexive thematic analysis, our streamlined yet rigorous approach is designed for multidisciplinary health services research teams, including patients, care partners, and clinicians

This article also provides companion materials including a slide presentation for teaching practical thematic analysis to research teams, a sample thematic analysis session agenda, a theme coproduction template for use during the session, and guidance on using standardised reporting criteria for qualitative research

In their seminal work, Braun and Clarke developed a six phase approach to reflexive thematic analysis. 4 12 We built on their method to develop practical thematic analysis ( box 1 , fig 1 ), which is a simplified and instructive approach that retains the substantive elements of their six phases. Braun and Clarke’s phase 1 (familiarising yourself with the dataset) is represented in our first step of reading. Phase 2 (coding) remains as our second step of coding. Phases 3 (generating initial themes), 4 (developing and reviewing themes), and 5 (refining, defining, and naming themes) are represented in our third step of theming. Phase 6 (writing up) also occurs during this third step of theming, but after a thematic analysis session. 4 12

Key features and applications of practical thematic analysis

Step 1: reading.

All manuscript authors read the data

All manuscript authors write summary memos

Step 2: Coding

Coders perform both data management and early data analysis

Codes are complete thoughts or sentences, not categories

Step 3: Theming

Researchers host a thematic analysis session and share different perspectives

Themes are complete thoughts or sentences, not categories

Applications

For use by practicing clinicians, patients and care partners, students, interdisciplinary teams, and those new to qualitative research

When important insights from healthcare professionals are inaccessible because they do not have qualitative methods training

When time and resources are limited

Fig 1

Steps in practical thematic analysis

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We present linear steps, but as qualitative research is usually iterative, so too is thematic analysis. 15 Qualitative researchers circle back to earlier work to check whether their interpretations still make sense in the light of additional insights, adapting as necessary. While we focus here on the practical application of thematic analysis in health services research, we recognise our approach exists in the context of the broader literature on thematic analysis and the theoretical underpinnings of qualitative methods as a whole. For a more detailed discussion of these theoretical points, as well as other methods widely used in health services research, we recommend reviewing the sources outlined in supplemental material 1. A strong and nuanced understanding of the context and underlying principles of thematic analysis will allow for higher quality research. 16

Practical thematic analysis is a highly flexible approach that can draw out valuable findings and generate new hypotheses, including in cases with a lack of previous research to build on. The approach can also be used with a variety of data, such as transcripts from interviews or focus groups, patient encounter transcripts, professional publications, observational field notes, and online activity logs. Importantly, successful practical thematic analysis is predicated on having high quality data collected with rigorous methods. We do not describe qualitative research design or data collection here. 11 17

In supplemental material 1, we summarise the foundational methods, concepts, and terminology in qualitative research. Along with our guide below, we include a companion slide presentation for teaching practical thematic analysis to research teams in supplemental material 2. We provide a theme coproduction template for teams to use during thematic analysis sessions in supplemental material 3. Our method aligns with the major qualitative reporting frameworks, including the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ). 18 We indicate the corresponding step in practical thematic analysis for each COREQ item in supplemental material 4.

Familiarisation and memoing

We encourage all manuscript authors to review the full dataset (eg, interview transcripts) to familiarise themselves with it. This task is most critical for those who will later be engaged in the coding and theming steps. Although time consuming, it is the best way to involve team members in the intellectual work of data interpretation, so that they can contribute to the analysis and contextualise the results. If this task is not feasible given time limitations or large quantities of data, the data can be divided across team members. In this case, each piece of data should be read by at least two individuals who ideally represent different professional roles or perspectives.

We recommend that researchers reflect on the data and independently write memos, defined as brief notes on thoughts and questions that arise during reading, and a summary of their impressions of the dataset. 2 19 Memoing is an opportunity to gain insights from varying perspectives, particularly from patients, care partners, clinicians, and others. It also gives researchers the opportunity to begin to scope which elements of and concepts in the dataset are relevant to the research question.

Data saturation

The concept of data saturation ( box 2 ) is a foundation of qualitative research. It is defined as the point in analysis at which new data tend to be redundant of data already collected. 21 Qualitative researchers are expected to report their approach to data saturation. 18 Because thematic analysis is iterative, the team should discuss saturation throughout the entire process, beginning with data collection and continuing through all steps of the analysis. 22 During step 1 (reading), team members might discuss data saturation in the context of summary memos. Conversations about saturation continue during step 2 (coding), with confirmation that saturation has been achieved during step 3 (theming). As a rule of thumb, researchers can often achieve saturation in 9-17 interviews or 4-8 focus groups, but this will vary depending on the specific characteristics of the study. 23

Data saturation in context

Braun and Clarke discourage the use of data saturation to determine sample size (eg, number of interviews), because it assumes that there is an objective truth to be captured in the data (sometimes known as a positivist perspective). 20 Qualitative researchers often try to avoid positivist approaches, arguing that there is no one true way of seeing the world, and will instead aim to gather multiple perspectives. 5 Although this theoretical debate with qualitative methods is important, we recognise that a priori estimates of saturation are often needed, particularly for investigators newer to qualitative research who might want a more pragmatic and applied approach. In addition, saturation based, sample size estimation can be particularly helpful in grant proposals. However, researchers should still follow a priori sample size estimation with a discussion to confirm saturation has been achieved.

Definition of coding

We describe codes as labels for concepts in the data that are directly relevant to the study objective. Historically, the purpose of coding was to distil the large amount of data collected into conceptually similar buckets so that researchers could review it in aggregate and identify key themes. 5 24 We advocate for a more analytical approach than is typical with thematic analysis. With our method, coding is both the foundation for and the beginning of thematic analysis—that is, early data analysis, management, and reduction occur simultaneously rather than as different steps. This approach moves the team more efficiently towards being able to describe themes.

Building the coding team

Coders are the research team members who directly assign codes to the data, reading all material and systematically labelling relevant data with appropriate codes. Ideally, at least two researchers would code every discrete data document, such as one interview transcript. 25 If this task is not possible, individual coders can each code a subset of the data that is carefully selected for key characteristics (sometimes known as purposive selection). 26 When using this approach, we recommend that at least 10% of data be coded by two or more coders to ensure consistency in codebook application. We also recommend coding teams of no more than four to five people, for practical reasons concerning maintaining consistency.

Clinicians, patients, and care partners bring unique perspectives to coding and enrich the analytical process. 27 Therefore, we recommend choosing coders with a mix of relevant experiences so that they can challenge and contextualise each other’s interpretations based on their own perspectives and opinions ( box 3 ). We recommend including both coders who collected the data and those who are naive to it, if possible, given their different perspectives. We also recommend all coders review the summary memos from the reading step so that key concepts identified by those not involved in coding can be integrated into the analytical process. In practice, this review means coding the memos themselves and discussing them during the code development process. This approach ensures that the team considers a diversity of perspectives.

Coding teams in context

The recommendation to use multiple coders is a departure from Braun and Clarke. 28 29 When the views, experiences, and training of each coder (sometimes known as positionality) 30 are carefully considered, having multiple coders can enhance interpretation and enrich findings. When these perspectives are combined in a team setting, researchers can create shared meaning from the data. Along with the practical consideration of distributing the workload, 31 inclusion of these multiple perspectives increases the overall quality of the analysis by mitigating the impact of any one coder’s perspective. 30

Coding tools

Qualitative analysis software facilitates coding and managing large datasets but does not perform the analytical work. The researchers must perform the analysis themselves. Most programs support queries and collaborative coding by multiple users. 32 Important factors to consider when choosing software can include accessibility, cost, interoperability, the look and feel of code reports, and the ease of colour coding and merging codes. Coders can also use low tech solutions, including highlighters, word processors, or spreadsheets.

Drafting effective codes

To draft effective codes, we recommend that the coders review each document line by line. 33 As they progress, they can assign codes to segments of data representing passages of interest. 34 Coders can also assign multiple codes to the same passage. Consensus among coders on what constitutes a minimum or maximum amount of text for assigning a code is helpful. As a general rule, meaningful segments of text for coding are shorter than one paragraph, but longer than a few words. Coders should keep the study objective in mind when determining which data are relevant ( box 4 ).

Code types in context

Similar to Braun and Clarke’s approach, practical thematic analysis does not specify whether codes are based on what is evident from the data (sometimes known as semantic) or whether they are based on what can be inferred at a deeper level from the data (sometimes known as latent). 4 12 35 It also does not specify whether they are derived from the data (sometimes known as inductive) or determined ahead of time (sometimes known as deductive). 11 35 Instead, it should be noted that health services researchers conducting qualitative studies often adopt all these approaches to coding (sometimes known as hybrid analysis). 3

In practical thematic analysis, codes should be more descriptive than general categorical labels that simply group data with shared characteristics. At a minimum, codes should form a complete (or full) thought. An easy way to conceptualise full thought codes is as complete sentences with subjects and verbs ( table 1 ), although full sentence coding is not always necessary. With full thought codes, researchers think about the data more deeply and capture this insight in the codes. This coding facilitates the entire analytical process and is especially valuable when moving from codes to broader themes. Experienced qualitative researchers often intuitively use full thought or sentence codes, but this practice has not been explicitly articulated as a path to higher quality coding elsewhere in the literature. 6

Example transcript with codes used in practical thematic analysis 36

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Depending on the nature of the data, codes might either fall into flat categories or be arranged hierarchically. Flat categories are most common when the data deal with topics on the same conceptual level. In other words, one topic is not a subset of another topic. By contrast, hierarchical codes are more appropriate for concepts that naturally fall above or below each other. Hierarchical coding can also be a useful form of data management and might be necessary when working with a large or complex dataset. 5 Codes grouped into these categories can also make it easier to naturally transition into generating themes from the initial codes. 5 These decisions between flat versus hierarchical coding are part of the work of the coding team. In both cases, coders should ensure that their code structures are guided by their research questions.

Developing the codebook

A codebook is a shared document that lists code labels and comprehensive descriptions for each code, as well as examples observed within the data. Good code descriptions are precise and specific so that coders can consistently assign the same codes to relevant data or articulate why another coder would do so. Codebook development is iterative and involves input from the entire coding team. However, as those closest to the data, coders must resist undue influence, real or perceived, from other team members with conflicting opinions—it is important to mitigate the risk that more senior researchers, like principal investigators, exert undue influence on the coders’ perspectives.

In practical thematic analysis, coders begin codebook development by independently coding a small portion of the data, such as two to three transcripts or other units of analysis. Coders then individually produce their initial codebooks. This task will require them to reflect on, organise, and clarify codes. The coders then meet to reconcile the draft codebooks, which can often be difficult, as some coders tend to lump several concepts together while others will split them into more specific codes. Discussing disagreements and negotiating consensus are necessary parts of early data analysis. Once the codebook is relatively stable, we recommend soliciting input on the codes from all manuscript authors. Yet, coders must ultimately be empowered to finalise the details so that they are comfortable working with the codebook across a large quantity of data.

Assigning codes to the data

After developing the codebook, coders will use it to assign codes to the remaining data. While the codebook’s overall structure should remain constant, coders might continue to add codes corresponding to any new concepts observed in the data. If new codes are added, coders should review the data they have already coded and determine whether the new codes apply. Qualitative data analysis software can be useful for editing or merging codes.

We recommend that coders periodically compare their code occurrences ( box 5 ), with more frequent check-ins if substantial disagreements occur. In the event of large discrepancies in the codes assigned, coders should revise the codebook to ensure that code descriptions are sufficiently clear and comprehensive to support coding alignment going forward. Because coding is an iterative process, the team can adjust the codebook as needed. 5 28 29

Quantitative coding in context

Researchers should generally avoid reporting code counts in thematic analysis. However, counts can be a useful proxy in maintaining alignment between coders on key concepts. 26 In practice, therefore, researchers should make sure that all coders working on the same piece of data assign the same codes with a similar pattern and that their memoing and overall assessment of the data are aligned. 37 However, the frequency of a code alone is not an indicator of its importance. It is more important that coders agree on the most salient points in the data; reviewing and discussing summary memos can be helpful here. 5

Researchers might disagree on whether or not to calculate and report inter-rater reliability. We note that quantitative tests for agreement, such as kappa statistics or intraclass correlation coefficients, can be distracting and might not provide meaningful results in qualitative analyses. Similarly, Braun and Clarke argue that expecting perfect alignment on coding is inconsistent with the goal of co-constructing meaning. 28 29 Overall consensus on codes’ salience and contributions to themes is the most important factor.

Definition of themes

Themes are meta-constructs that rise above codes and unite the dataset ( box 6 , fig 2 ). They should be clearly evident, repeated throughout the dataset, and relevant to the research questions. 38 While codes are often explicit descriptions of the content in the dataset, themes are usually more conceptual and knit the codes together. 39 Some researchers hypothesise that theme development is loosely described in the literature because qualitative researchers simply intuit themes during the analytical process. 39 In practical thematic analysis, we offer a concrete process that should make developing meaningful themes straightforward.

Themes in context

According to Braun and Clarke, a theme “captures something important about the data in relation to the research question and represents some level of patterned response or meaning within the data set.” 4 Similarly, Braun and Clarke advise against themes as domain summaries. While different approaches can draw out themes from codes, the process begins by identifying patterns. 28 35 Like Braun and Clarke and others, we recommend that researchers consider the salience of certain themes, their prevalence in the dataset, and their keyness (ie, how relevant the themes are to the overarching research questions). 4 12 34

Fig 2

Use of themes in practical thematic analysis

Constructing meaningful themes

After coding all the data, each coder should independently reflect on the team’s summary memos (step 1), the codebook (step 2), and the coded data itself to develop draft themes (step 3). It can be illuminating for coders to review all excerpts associated with each code, so that they derive themes directly from the data. Researchers should remain focused on the research question during this step, so that themes have a clear relation with the overall project aim. Use of qualitative analysis software will make it easy to view each segment of data tagged with each code. Themes might neatly correspond to groups of codes. Or—more likely—they will unite codes and data in unexpected ways. A whiteboard or presentation slides might be helpful to organise, craft, and revise themes. We also provide a template for coproducing themes (supplemental material 3). As with codebook justification, team members will ideally produce individual drafts of the themes that they have identified in the data. They can then discuss these with the group and reach alignment or consensus on the final themes.

The team should ensure that all themes are salient, meaning that they are: supported by the data, relevant to the study objectives, and important. Similar to codes, themes are framed as complete thoughts or sentences, not categories. While codes and themes might appear to be similar to each other, the key distinction is that the themes represent a broader concept. Table 2 shows examples of codes and their corresponding themes from a previously published project that used practical thematic analysis. 36 Identifying three to four key themes that comprise a broader overarching theme is a useful approach. Themes can also have subthemes, if appropriate. 40 41 42 43 44

Example codes with themes in practical thematic analysis 36

Thematic analysis session

After each coder has independently produced draft themes, a carefully selected subset of the manuscript team meets for a thematic analysis session ( table 3 ). The purpose of this session is to discuss and reach alignment or consensus on the final themes. We recommend a session of three to five hours, either in-person or virtually.

Example agenda of thematic analysis session

The composition of the thematic analysis session team is important, as each person’s perspectives will shape the results. This group is usually a small subset of the broader research team, with three to seven individuals. We recommend that primary and senior authors work together to include people with diverse experiences related to the research topic. They should aim for a range of personalities and professional identities, particularly those of clinicians, trainees, patients, and care partners. At a minimum, all coders and primary and senior authors should participate in the thematic analysis session.

The session begins with each coder presenting their draft themes with supporting quotes from the data. 5 Through respectful and collaborative deliberation, the group will develop a shared set of final themes.

One team member facilitates the session. A firm, confident, and consistent facilitation style with good listening skills is critical. For practical reasons, this person is not usually one of the primary coders. Hierarchies in teams cannot be entirely flattened, but acknowledging them and appointing an external facilitator can reduce their impact. The facilitator can ensure that all voices are heard. For example, they might ask for perspectives from patient partners or more junior researchers, and follow up on comments from senior researchers to say, “We have heard your perspective and it is important; we want to make sure all perspectives in the room are equally considered.” Or, “I hear [senior person] is offering [x] idea, I’d like to hear other perspectives in the room.” The role of the facilitator is critical in the thematic analysis session. The facilitator might also privately discuss with more senior researchers, such as principal investigators and senior authors, the importance of being aware of their influence over others and respecting and eliciting the perspectives of more junior researchers, such as patients, care partners, and students.

To our knowledge, this discrete thematic analysis session is a novel contribution of practical thematic analysis. It helps efficiently incorporate diverse perspectives using the session agenda and theme coproduction template (supplemental material 3) and makes the process of constructing themes transparent to the entire research team.

Writing the report

We recommend beginning the results narrative with a summary of all relevant themes emerging from the analysis, followed by a subheading for each theme. Each subsection begins with a brief description of the theme and is illustrated with relevant quotes, which are contextualised and explained. The write-up should not simply be a list, but should contain meaningful analysis and insight from the researchers, including descriptions of how different stakeholders might have experienced a particular situation differently or unexpectedly.

In addition to weaving quotes into the results narrative, quotes can be presented in a table. This strategy is a particularly helpful when submitting to clinical journals with tight word count limitations. Quote tables might also be effective in illustrating areas of agreement and disagreement across stakeholder groups, with columns representing different groups and rows representing each theme or subtheme. Quotes should include an anonymous label for each participant and any relevant characteristics, such as role or gender. The aim is to produce rich descriptions. 5 We recommend against repeating quotations across multiple themes in the report, so as to avoid confusion. The template for coproducing themes (supplemental material 3) allows documentation of quotes supporting each theme, which might also be useful during report writing.

Visual illustrations such as a thematic map or figure of the findings can help communicate themes efficiently. 4 36 42 44 If a figure is not possible, a simple list can suffice. 36 Both must clearly present the main themes with subthemes. Thematic figures can facilitate confirmation that the researchers’ interpretations reflect the study populations’ perspectives (sometimes known as member checking), because authors can invite discussions about the figure and descriptions of findings and supporting quotes. 46 This process can enhance the validity of the results. 46

In supplemental material 4, we provide additional guidance on reporting thematic analysis consistent with COREQ. 18 Commonly used in health services research, COREQ outlines a standardised list of items to be included in qualitative research reports ( box 7 ).

Reporting in context

We note that use of COREQ or any other reporting guidelines does not in itself produce high quality work and should not be used as a substitute for general methodological rigor. Rather, researchers must consider rigor throughout the entire research process. As the issue of how to conceptualise and achieve rigorous qualitative research continues to be debated, 47 48 we encourage researchers to explicitly discuss how they have looked at methodological rigor in their reports. Specifically, we point researchers to Braun and Clarke’s 2021 tool for evaluating thematic analysis manuscripts for publication (“Twenty questions to guide assessment of TA [thematic analysis] research quality”). 16

Avoiding common pitfalls

Awareness of common mistakes can help researchers avoid improper use of qualitative methods. Improper use can, for example, prevent researchers from developing meaningful themes and can risk drawing inappropriate conclusions from the data. Braun and Clarke also warn of poor quality in qualitative research, noting that “coherence and integrity of published research does not always hold.” 16

Weak themes

An important distinction between high and low quality themes is that high quality themes are descriptive and complete thoughts. As such, they often contain subjects and verbs, and can be expressed as full sentences ( table 2 ). Themes that are simply descriptive categories or topics could fail to impart meaningful knowledge beyond categorisation. 16 49 50

Researchers will often move from coding directly to writing up themes, without performing the work of theming or hosting a thematic analysis session. Skipping concerted theming often results in themes that look more like categories than unifying threads across the data.

Unfocused analysis

Because data collection for qualitative research is often semi-structured (eg, interviews, focus groups), not all data will be directly relevant to the research question at hand. To avoid unfocused analysis and a correspondingly unfocused manuscript, we recommend that all team members keep the research objective in front of them at every stage, from reading to coding to theming. During the thematic analysis session, we recommend that the research question be written on a whiteboard so that all team members can refer back to it, and so that the facilitator can ensure that conversations about themes occur in the context of this question. Consistently focusing on the research question can help to ensure that the final report directly answers it, as opposed to the many other interesting insights that might emerge during the qualitative research process. Such insights can be picked up in a secondary analysis if desired.

Inappropriate quantification

Presenting findings quantitatively (eg, “We found 18 instances of participants mentioning safety concerns about the vaccines”) is generally undesirable in practical thematic analysis reporting. 51 Descriptive terms are more appropriate (eg, “participants had substantial concerns about the vaccines,” or “several participants were concerned about this”). This descriptive presentation is critical because qualitative data might not be consistently elicited across participants, meaning that some individuals might share certain information while others do not, simply based on how conversations evolve. Additionally, qualitative research does not aim to draw inferences outside its specific sample. Emphasising numbers in thematic analysis can lead to readers incorrectly generalising the findings. Although peer reviewers unfamiliar with thematic analysis often request this type of quantification, practitioners of practical thematic analysis can confidently defend their decision to avoid it. If quantification is methodologically important, we recommend simultaneously conducting a survey or incorporating standardised interview techniques into the interview guide. 11

Neglecting group dynamics

Researchers should concertedly consider group dynamics in the research team. Particular attention should be paid to power relations and the personality of team members, which can include aspects such as who most often speaks, who defines concepts, and who resolves disagreements that might arise within the group. 52

The perspectives of patient and care partners are particularly important to cultivate. Ideally, patient partners are meaningfully embedded in studies from start to finish, not just for practical thematic analysis. 53 Meaningful engagement can build trust, which makes it easier for patient partners to ask questions, request clarification, and share their perspectives. Professional team members should actively encourage patient partners by emphasising that their expertise is critically important and valued. Noting when a patient partner might be best positioned to offer their perspective can be particularly powerful.

Insufficient time allocation

Researchers must allocate enough time to complete thematic analysis. Working with qualitative data takes time, especially because it is often not a linear process. As the strength of thematic analysis lies in its ability to make use of the rich details and complexities of the data, we recommend careful planning for the time required to read and code each document.

Estimating the necessary time can be challenging. For step 1 (reading), researchers can roughly calculate the time required based on the time needed to read and reflect on one piece of data. For step 2 (coding), the total amount of time needed can be extrapolated from the time needed to code one document during codebook development. We also recommend three to five hours for the thematic analysis session itself, although coders will need to independently develop their draft themes beforehand. Although the time required for practical thematic analysis is variable, teams should be able to estimate their own required effort with these guidelines.

Practical thematic analysis builds on the foundational work of Braun and Clarke. 4 16 We have reframed their six phase process into three condensed steps of reading, coding, and theming. While we have maintained important elements of Braun and Clarke’s reflexive thematic analysis, we believe that practical thematic analysis is conceptually simpler and easier to teach to less experienced researchers and non-researcher stakeholders. For teams with different levels of familiarity with qualitative methods, this approach presents a clear roadmap to the reading, coding, and theming of qualitative data. Our practical thematic analysis approach promotes efficient learning by doing—experiential learning. 12 29 Practical thematic analysis avoids the risk of relying on complex descriptions of methods and theory and places more emphasis on obtaining meaningful insights from those close to real world clinical environments. Although practical thematic analysis can be used to perform intensive theory based analyses, it lends itself more readily to accelerated, pragmatic approaches.

Strengths and limitations

Our approach is designed to smooth the qualitative analysis process and yield high quality themes. Yet, researchers should note that poorly performed analyses will still produce low quality results. Practical thematic analysis is a qualitative analytical approach; it does not look at study design, data collection, or other important elements of qualitative research. It also might not be the right choice for every qualitative research project. We recommend it for applied health services research questions, where diverse perspectives and simplicity might be valuable.

We also urge researchers to improve internal validity through triangulation methods, such as member checking (supplemental material 1). 46 Member checking could include soliciting input on high level themes, theme definitions, and quotations from participants. This approach might increase rigor.

Implications

We hope that by providing clear and simple instructions for practical thematic analysis, a broader range of researchers will be more inclined to use these methods. Increased transparency and familiarity with qualitative approaches can enhance researchers’ ability to both interpret qualitative studies and offer up new findings themselves. In addition, it can have usefulness in training and reporting. A major strength of this approach is to facilitate meaningful inclusion of patient and care partner perspectives, because their lived experiences can be particularly valuable in data interpretation and the resulting findings. 11 30 As clinicians are especially pressed for time, they might also appreciate a practical set of instructions that can be immediately used to leverage their insights and access to patients and clinical settings, and increase the impact of qualitative research through timely results. 8

Practical thematic analysis is a simplified approach to performing thematic analysis in health services research, a field where the experiences of patients, care partners, and clinicians are of inherent interest. We hope that it will be accessible to those individuals new to qualitative methods, including patients, care partners, clinicians, and other health services researchers. We intend to empower multidisciplinary research teams to explore unanswered questions and make new, important, and rigorous contributions to our understanding of important clinical and health systems research.

Acknowledgments

All members of the Coproduction Laboratory provided input that shaped this manuscript during laboratory meetings. We acknowledge advice from Elizabeth Carpenter-Song, an expert in qualitative methods.

Coproduction Laboratory group contributors: Stephanie C Acquilano ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-1215-5531 ), Julie Doherty ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5279-6536 ), Rachel C Forcino ( http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9938-4830 ), Tina Foster ( http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6239-4031 ), Megan Holthoff, Christopher R Jacobs ( http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5324-8657 ), Lisa C Johnson ( http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7448-4931 ), Elaine T Kiriakopoulos, Kathryn Kirkland ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9851-926X ), Meredith A MacMartin ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6614-6091 ), Emily A Morgan, Eugene Nelson, Elizabeth O’Donnell, Brant Oliver ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7399-622X ), Danielle Schubbe ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9858-1805 ), Gabrielle Stevens ( http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9001-178X ), Rachael P Thomeer ( http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5974-3840 ).

Contributors: Practical thematic analysis, an approach designed for multidisciplinary health services teams new to qualitative research, was based on CHS’s experiences teaching thematic analysis to clinical teams and students. We have drawn heavily from qualitative methods literature. CHS is the guarantor of the article. CHS, AS, CvP, AMK, JRK, and JAP contributed to drafting the manuscript. AS, JG, CMM, JAP, and RWY provided feedback on their experiences using practical thematic analysis. CvP, LCL, SLB, AVC, GE, and JKL advised on qualitative methods in health services research, given extensive experience. All authors meaningfully edited the manuscript content, including AVC and RKS. The corresponding author attests that all listed authors meet authorship criteria and that no others meeting the criteria have been omitted.

Funding: This manuscript did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Competing interests: All authors have completed the ICMJE uniform disclosure form at https://www.icmje.org/disclosure-of-interest/ and declare: no support from any organisation for the submitted work; no financial relationships with any organisations that might have an interest in the submitted work in the previous three years; no other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced the submitted work.

Provenance and peer review: Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

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thematic analysis in nursing literature review

  • Research article
  • Open access
  • Published: 10 July 2008

Methods for the thematic synthesis of qualitative research in systematic reviews

  • James Thomas 1 &
  • Angela Harden 1  

BMC Medical Research Methodology volume  8 , Article number:  45 ( 2008 ) Cite this article

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There is a growing recognition of the value of synthesising qualitative research in the evidence base in order to facilitate effective and appropriate health care. In response to this, methods for undertaking these syntheses are currently being developed. Thematic analysis is a method that is often used to analyse data in primary qualitative research. This paper reports on the use of this type of analysis in systematic reviews to bring together and integrate the findings of multiple qualitative studies.

We describe thematic synthesis, outline several steps for its conduct and illustrate the process and outcome of this approach using a completed review of health promotion research. Thematic synthesis has three stages: the coding of text 'line-by-line'; the development of 'descriptive themes'; and the generation of 'analytical themes'. While the development of descriptive themes remains 'close' to the primary studies, the analytical themes represent a stage of interpretation whereby the reviewers 'go beyond' the primary studies and generate new interpretive constructs, explanations or hypotheses. The use of computer software can facilitate this method of synthesis; detailed guidance is given on how this can be achieved.

We used thematic synthesis to combine the studies of children's views and identified key themes to explore in the intervention studies. Most interventions were based in school and often combined learning about health benefits with 'hands-on' experience. The studies of children's views suggested that fruit and vegetables should be treated in different ways, and that messages should not focus on health warnings. Interventions that were in line with these suggestions tended to be more effective. Thematic synthesis enabled us to stay 'close' to the results of the primary studies, synthesising them in a transparent way, and facilitating the explicit production of new concepts and hypotheses.

We compare thematic synthesis to other methods for the synthesis of qualitative research, discussing issues of context and rigour. Thematic synthesis is presented as a tried and tested method that preserves an explicit and transparent link between conclusions and the text of primary studies; as such it preserves principles that have traditionally been important to systematic reviewing.

Peer Review reports

The systematic review is an important technology for the evidence-informed policy and practice movement, which aims to bring research closer to decision-making [ 1 , 2 ]. This type of review uses rigorous and explicit methods to bring together the results of primary research in order to provide reliable answers to particular questions [ 3 – 6 ]. The picture that is presented aims to be distorted neither by biases in the review process nor by biases in the primary research which the review contains [ 7 – 10 ]. Systematic review methods are well-developed for certain types of research, such as randomised controlled trials (RCTs). Methods for reviewing qualitative research in a systematic way are still emerging, and there is much ongoing development and debate [ 11 – 14 ].

In this paper we present one approach to the synthesis of findings of qualitative research, which we have called 'thematic synthesis'. We have developed and applied these methods within several systematic reviews that address questions about people's perspectives and experiences [ 15 – 18 ]. The context for this methodological development is a programme of work in health promotion and public health (HP & PH), mostly funded by the English Department of Health, at the EPPI-Centre, in the Social Science Research Unit at the Institute of Education, University of London in the UK. Early systematic reviews at the EPPI-Centre addressed the question 'what works?' and contained research testing the effects of interventions. However, policy makers and other review users also posed questions about intervention need, appropriateness and acceptability, and factors influencing intervention implementation. To address these questions, our reviews began to include a wider range of research, including research often described as 'qualitative'. We began to focus, in particular, on research that aimed to understand the health issue in question from the experiences and point of view of the groups of people targeted by HP&PH interventions (We use the term 'qualitative' research cautiously because it encompasses a multitude of research methods at the same time as an assumed range of epistemological positions. In practice it is often difficult to classify research as being either 'qualitative' or 'quantitative' as much research contains aspects of both [ 19 – 22 ]. Because the term is in common use, however, we will employ it in this paper).

When we started the work for our first series of reviews which included qualitative research in 1999 [ 23 – 26 ], there was very little published material that described methods for synthesising this type of research. We therefore experimented with a variety of techniques borrowed from standard systematic review methods and methods for analysing primary qualitative research [ 15 ]. In later reviews, we were able to refine these methods and began to apply thematic analysis in a more explicit way. The methods for thematic synthesis described in this paper have so far been used explicitly in three systematic reviews [ 16 – 18 ].

The review used as an example in this paper

To illustrate the steps involved in a thematic synthesis we draw on a review of the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating amongst children aged four to 10 years old [ 17 ]. The review was commissioned by the Department of Health, England to inform policy about how to encourage children to eat healthily in the light of recent surveys highlighting that British children are eating less than half the recommended five portions of fruit and vegetables per day. While we focus on the aspects of the review that relate to qualitative studies, the review was broader than this and combined answering traditional questions of effectiveness, through reviewing controlled trials, with questions relating to children's views of healthy eating, which were answered using qualitative studies. The qualitative studies were synthesised using 'thematic synthesis' – the subject of this paper. We compared the effectiveness of interventions which appeared to be in line with recommendations from the thematic synthesis with those that did not. This enabled us to see whether the understandings we had gained from the children's views helped us to explain differences in the effectiveness of different interventions: the thematic synthesis had enabled us to generate hypotheses which could be tested against the findings of the quantitative studies – hypotheses that we could not have generated without the thematic synthesis. The methods of this part of the review are published in Thomas et al . [ 27 ] and are discussed further in Harden and Thomas [ 21 ].

Qualitative research and systematic reviews

The act of seeking to synthesise qualitative research means stepping into more complex and contested territory than is the case when only RCTs are included in a review. First, methods are much less developed in this area, with fewer completed reviews available from which to learn, and second, the whole enterprise of synthesising qualitative research is itself hotly debated. Qualitative research, it is often proposed, is not generalisable and is specific to a particular context, time and group of participants. Thus, in bringing such research together, reviewers are open to the charge that they de-contextualise findings and wrongly assume that these are commensurable [ 11 , 13 ]. These are serious concerns which it is not the purpose of this paper to contest. We note, however, that a strong case has been made for qualitative research to be valued for the potential it has to inform policy and practice [ 11 , 28 – 30 ]. In our experience, users of reviews are interested in the answers that only qualitative research can provide, but are not able to handle the deluge of data that would result if they tried to locate, read and interpret all the relevant research themselves. Thus, if we acknowledge the unique importance of qualitative research, we need also to recognise that methods are required to bring its findings together for a wide audience – at the same time as preserving and respecting its essential context and complexity.

The earliest published work that we know of that deals with methods for synthesising qualitative research was written in 1988 by Noblit and Hare [ 31 ]. This book describes the way that ethnographic research might be synthesised, but the method has been shown to be applicable to qualitative research beyond ethnography [ 32 , 11 ]. As well as meta-ethnography, other methods have been developed more recently, including 'meta-study' [ 33 ], 'critical interpretive synthesis' [ 34 ] and 'metasynthesis' [ 13 ].

Many of the newer methods being developed have much in common with meta-ethnography, as originally described by Noblit and Hare, and often state explicitly that they are drawing on this work. In essence, this method involves identifying key concepts from studies and translating them into one another. The term 'translating' in this context refers to the process of taking concepts from one study and recognising the same concepts in another study, though they may not be expressed using identical words. Explanations or theories associated with these concepts are also extracted and a 'line of argument' may be developed, pulling corroborating concepts together and, crucially, going beyond the content of the original studies (though 'refutational' concepts might not be amenable to this process). Some have claimed that this notion of 'going beyond' the primary studies is a critical component of synthesis, and is what distinguishes it from the types of summaries of findings that typify traditional literature reviews [e.g. [ 32 ], p209]. In the words of Margarete Sandelowski, "metasyntheses are integrations that are more than the sum of parts, in that they offer novel interpretations of findings. These interpretations will not be found in any one research report but, rather, are inferences derived from taking all of the reports in a sample as a whole" [[ 14 ], p1358].

Thematic analysis has been identified as one of a range of potential methods for research synthesis alongside meta-ethnography and 'metasynthesis', though precisely what the method involves is unclear, and there are few examples of it being used for synthesising research [ 35 ]. We have adopted the term 'thematic synthesis', as we translated methods for the analysis of primary research – often termed 'thematic' – for use in systematic reviews [ 36 – 38 ]. As Boyatzis [[ 36 ], p4] has observed, thematic analysis is "not another qualitative method but a process that can be used with most, if not all, qualitative methods..." . Our approach concurs with this conceptualisation of thematic analysis, since the method we employed draws on other established methods but uses techniques commonly described as 'thematic analysis' in order to formalise the identification and development of themes.

We now move to a description of the methods we used in our example systematic review. While this paper has the traditional structure for reporting the results of a research project, the detailed methods (e.g. precise terms we used for searching) and results are available online. This paper identifies the particular issues that relate especially to reviewing qualitative research systematically and then to describing the activity of thematic synthesis in detail.

When searching for studies for inclusion in a 'traditional' statistical meta-analysis, the aim of searching is to locate all relevant studies. Failing to do this can undermine the statistical models that underpin the analysis and bias the results. However, Doyle [[ 39 ], p326] states that, "like meta-analysis, meta-ethnography utilizes multiple empirical studies but, unlike meta-analysis, the sample is purposive rather than exhaustive because the purpose is interpretive explanation and not prediction" . This suggests that it may not be necessary to locate every available study because, for example, the results of a conceptual synthesis will not change if ten rather than five studies contain the same concept, but will depend on the range of concepts found in the studies, their context, and whether they are in agreement or not. Thus, principles such as aiming for 'conceptual saturation' might be more appropriate when planning a search strategy for qualitative research, although it is not yet clear how these principles can be applied in practice. Similarly, other principles from primary qualitative research methods may also be 'borrowed' such as deliberately seeking studies which might act as negative cases, aiming for maximum variability and, in essence, designing the resulting set of studies to be heterogeneous, in some ways, instead of achieving the homogeneity that is often the aim in statistical meta-analyses.

However you look, qualitative research is difficult to find [ 40 – 42 ]. In our review, it was not possible to rely on simple electronic searches of databases. We needed to search extensively in 'grey' literature, ask authors of relevant papers if they knew of more studies, and look especially for book chapters, and we spent a lot of effort screening titles and abstracts by hand and looking through journals manually. In this sense, while we were not driven by the statistical imperative of locating every relevant study, when it actually came down to searching, we found that there was very little difference in the methods we had to use to find qualitative studies compared to the methods we use when searching for studies for inclusion in a meta-analysis.

Quality assessment

Assessing the quality of qualitative research has attracted much debate and there is little consensus regarding how quality should be assessed, who should assess quality, and, indeed, whether quality can or should be assessed in relation to 'qualitative' research at all [ 43 , 22 , 44 , 45 ]. We take the view that the quality of qualitative research should be assessed to avoid drawing unreliable conclusions. However, since there is little empirical evidence on which to base decisions for excluding studies based on quality assessment, we took the approach in this review to use 'sensitivity analyses' (described below) to assess the possible impact of study quality on the review's findings.

In our example review we assessed our studies according to 12 criteria, which were derived from existing sets of criteria proposed for assessing the quality of qualitative research [ 46 – 49 ], principles of good practice for conducting social research with children [ 50 ], and whether studies employed appropriate methods for addressing our review questions. The 12 criteria covered three main quality issues. Five related to the quality of the reporting of a study's aims, context, rationale, methods and findings (e.g. was there an adequate description of the sample used and the methods for how the sample was selected and recruited?). A further four criteria related to the sufficiency of the strategies employed to establish the reliability and validity of data collection tools and methods of analysis, and hence the validity of the findings. The final three criteria related to the assessment of the appropriateness of the study methods for ensuring that findings about the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating were rooted in children's own perspectives (e.g. were data collection methods appropriate for helping children to express their views?).

Extracting data from studies

One issue which is difficult to deal with when synthesising 'qualitative' studies is 'what counts as data' or 'findings'? This problem is easily addressed when a statistical meta-analysis is being conducted: the numeric results of RCTs – for example, the mean difference in outcome between the intervention and control – are taken from published reports and are entered into the software package being used to calculate the pooled effect size [ 3 , 51 ].

Deciding what to abstract from the published report of a 'qualitative' study is much more difficult. Campbell et al . [ 11 ] extracted what they called the 'key concepts' from the qualitative studies they found about patients' experiences of diabetes and diabetes care. However, finding the key concepts in 'qualitative' research is not always straightforward either. As Sandelowski and Barroso [ 52 ] discovered, identifying the findings in qualitative research can be complicated by varied reporting styles or the misrepresentation of data as findings (as for example when data are used to 'let participants speak for themselves'). Sandelowski and Barroso [ 53 ] have argued that the findings of qualitative (and, indeed, all empirical) research are distinct from the data upon which they are based, the methods used to derive them, externally sourced data, and researchers' conclusions and implications.

In our example review, while it was relatively easy to identify 'data' in the studies – usually in the form of quotations from the children themselves – it was often difficult to identify key concepts or succinct summaries of findings, especially for studies that had undertaken relatively simple analyses and had not gone much further than describing and summarising what the children had said. To resolve this problem we took study findings to be all of the text labelled as 'results' or 'findings' in study reports – though we also found 'findings' in the abstracts which were not always reported in the same way in the text. Study reports ranged in size from a few pages to full final project reports. We entered all the results of the studies verbatim into QSR's NVivo software for qualitative data analysis. Where we had the documents in electronic form this process was straightforward even for large amounts of text. When electronic versions were not available, the results sections were either re-typed or scanned in using a flat-bed or pen scanner. (We have since adapted our own reviewing system, 'EPPI-Reviewer' [ 54 ], to handle this type of synthesis and the screenshots below show this software.)

Detailed methods for thematic synthesis

The synthesis took the form of three stages which overlapped to some degree: the free line-by-line coding of the findings of primary studies; the organisation of these 'free codes' into related areas to construct 'descriptive' themes; and the development of 'analytical' themes.

Stages one and two: coding text and developing descriptive themes

In our children and healthy eating review, we originally planned to extract and synthesise study findings according to our review questions regarding the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating amongst children. It soon became apparent, however, that few study findings addressed these questions directly and it appeared that we were in danger of ending up with an empty synthesis. We were also concerned about imposing the a priori framework implied by our review questions onto study findings without allowing for the possibility that a different or modified framework may be a better fit. We therefore temporarily put our review questions to one side and started from the study findings themselves to conduct an thematic analysis.

There were eight relevant qualitative studies examining children's views of healthy eating. We entered the verbatim findings of these studies into our database. Three reviewers then independently coded each line of text according to its meaning and content. Figure 1 illustrates this line-by-line coding using our specialist reviewing software, EPPI-Reviewer, which includes a component designed to support thematic synthesis. The text which was taken from the report of the primary study is on the left and codes were created inductively to capture the meaning and content of each sentence. Codes could be structured, either in a tree form (as shown in the figure) or as 'free' codes – without a hierarchical structure.

figure 1

line-by-line coding in EPPI-Reviewer.

The use of line-by-line coding enabled us to undertake what has been described as one of the key tasks in the synthesis of qualitative research: the translation of concepts from one study to another [ 32 , 55 ]. However, this process may not be regarded as a simple one of translation. As we coded each new study we added to our 'bank' of codes and developed new ones when necessary. As well as translating concepts between studies, we had already begun the process of synthesis (For another account of this process, see Doyle [[ 39 ], p331]). Every sentence had at least one code applied, and most were categorised using several codes (e.g. 'children prefer fruit to vegetables' or 'why eat healthily?'). Before completing this stage of the synthesis, we also examined all the text which had a given code applied to check consistency of interpretation and to see whether additional levels of coding were needed. (In grounded theory this is termed 'axial' coding; see Fisher [ 55 ] for further discussion of the application of axial coding in research synthesis.) This process created a total of 36 initial codes. For example, some of the text we coded as "bad food = nice, good food = awful" from one study [ 56 ] were:

'All the things that are bad for you are nice and all the things that are good for you are awful.' (Boys, year 6) [[ 56 ], p74]

'All adverts for healthy stuff go on about healthy things. The adverts for unhealthy things tell you how nice they taste.' [[ 56 ], p75]

Some children reported throwing away foods they knew had been put in because they were 'good for you' and only ate the crisps and chocolate . [[ 56 ], p75]

Reviewers looked for similarities and differences between the codes in order to start grouping them into a hierarchical tree structure. New codes were created to capture the meaning of groups of initial codes. This process resulted in a tree structure with several layers to organize a total of 12 descriptive themes (Figure 2 ). For example, the first layer divided the 12 themes into whether they were concerned with children's understandings of healthy eating or influences on children's food choice. The above example, about children's preferences for food, was placed in both areas, since the findings related both to children's reactions to the foods they were given, and to how they behaved when given the choice over what foods they might eat. A draft summary of the findings across the studies organized by the 12 descriptive themes was then written by one of the review authors. Two other review authors commented on this draft and a final version was agreed.

figure 2

relationships between descriptive themes.

Stage three: generating analytical themes

Up until this point, we had produced a synthesis which kept very close to the original findings of the included studies. The findings of each study had been combined into a whole via a listing of themes which described children's perspectives on healthy eating. However, we did not yet have a synthesis product that addressed directly the concerns of our review – regarding how to promote healthy eating, in particular fruit and vegetable intake, amongst children. Neither had we 'gone beyond' the findings of the primary studies and generated additional concepts, understandings or hypotheses. As noted earlier, the idea or step of 'going beyond' the content of the original studies has been identified by some as the defining characteristic of synthesis [ 32 , 14 ].

This stage of a qualitative synthesis is the most difficult to describe and is, potentially, the most controversial, since it is dependent on the judgement and insights of the reviewers. The equivalent stage in meta-ethnography is the development of 'third order interpretations' which go beyond the content of original studies [ 32 , 11 ]. In our example, the step of 'going beyond' the content of the original studies was achieved by using the descriptive themes that emerged from our inductive analysis of study findings to answer the review questions we had temporarily put to one side. Reviewers inferred barriers and facilitators from the views children were expressing about healthy eating or food in general, captured by the descriptive themes, and then considered the implications of children's views for intervention development. Each reviewer first did this independently and then as a group. Through this discussion more abstract or analytical themes began to emerge. The barriers and facilitators and implications for intervention development were examined again in light of these themes and changes made as necessary. This cyclical process was repeated until the new themes were sufficiently abstract to describe and/or explain all of our initial descriptive themes, our inferred barriers and facilitators and implications for intervention development.

For example, five of the 12 descriptive themes concerned the influences on children's choice of foods (food preferences, perceptions of health benefits, knowledge behaviour gap, roles and responsibilities, non-influencing factors). From these, reviewers inferred several barriers and implications for intervention development. Children identified readily that taste was the major concern for them when selecting food and that health was either a secondary factor or, in some cases, a reason for rejecting food. Children also felt that buying healthy food was not a legitimate use of their pocket money, which they would use to buy sweets that could be enjoyed with friends. These perspectives indicated to us that branding fruit and vegetables as a 'tasty' rather than 'healthy' might be more effective in increasing consumption. As one child noted astutely, 'All adverts for healthy stuff go on about healthy things. The adverts for unhealthy things tell you how nice they taste.' [[ 56 ], p75]. We captured this line of argument in the analytical theme entitled 'Children do not see it as their role to be interested in health'. Altogether, this process resulted in the generation of six analytical themes which were associated with ten recommendations for interventions.

Six main issues emerged from the studies of children's views: (1) children do not see it as their role to be interested in health; (2) children do not see messages about future health as personally relevant or credible; (3) fruit, vegetables and confectionery have very different meanings for children; (4) children actively seek ways to exercise their own choices with regard to food; (5) children value eating as a social occasion; and (6) children see the contradiction between what is promoted in theory and what adults provide in practice. The review found that most interventions were based in school (though frequently with parental involvement) and often combined learning about the health benefits of fruit and vegetables with 'hands-on' experience in the form of food preparation and taste-testing. Interventions targeted at people with particular risk factors worked better than others, and multi-component interventions that combined the promotion of physical activity with healthy eating did not work as well as those that only concentrated on healthy eating. The studies of children's views suggested that fruit and vegetables should be treated in different ways in interventions, and that messages should not focus on health warnings. Interventions that were in line with these suggestions tended to be more effective than those which were not.

Context and rigour in thematic synthesis

The process of translation, through the development of descriptive and analytical themes, can be carried out in a rigorous way that facilitates transparency of reporting. Since we aim to produce a synthesis that both generates 'abstract and formal theories' that are nevertheless 'empirically faithful to the cases from which they were developed' [[ 53 ], p1371], we see the explicit recording of the development of themes as being central to the method. The use of software as described can facilitate this by allowing reviewers to examine the contribution made to their findings by individual studies, groups of studies, or sub-populations within studies.

Some may argue against the synthesis of qualitative research on the grounds that the findings of individual studies are de-contextualised and that concepts identified in one setting are not applicable to others [ 32 ]. However, the act of synthesis could be viewed as similar to the role of a research user when reading a piece of qualitative research and deciding how useful it is to their own situation. In the case of synthesis, reviewers translate themes and concepts from one situation to another and can always be checking that each transfer is valid and whether there are any reasons that understandings gained in one context might not be transferred to another. We attempted to preserve context by providing structured summaries of each study detailing aims, methods and methodological quality, and setting and sample. This meant that readers of our review were able to judge for themselves whether or not the contexts of the studies the review contained were similar to their own. In the synthesis we also checked whether the emerging findings really were transferable across different study contexts. For example, we tried throughout the synthesis to distinguish between participants (e.g. boys and girls) where the primary research had made an appropriate distinction. We then looked to see whether some of our synthesis findings could be attributed to a particular group of children or setting. In the event, we did not find any themes that belonged to a specific group, but another outcome of this process was a realisation that the contextual information given in the reports of studies was very restricted indeed. It was therefore difficult to make the best use of context in our synthesis.

In checking that we were not translating concepts into situations where they did not belong, we were following a principle that others have followed when using synthesis methods to build grounded formal theory: that of grounding a text in the context in which it was constructed. As Margaret Kearney has noted "the conditions under which data were collected, analysis was done, findings were found, and products were written for each contributing report should be taken into consideration in developing a more generalized and abstract model" [[ 14 ], p1353]. Britten et al . [ 32 ] suggest that it may be important to make a deliberate attempt to include studies conducted across diverse settings to achieve the higher level of abstraction that is aimed for in a meta-ethnography.

Study quality and sensitivity analyses

We assessed the 'quality' of our studies with regard to the degree to which they represented the views of their participants. In doing this, we were locating the concept of 'quality' within the context of the purpose of our review – children's views – and not necessarily the context of the primary studies themselves. Our 'hierarchy of evidence', therefore, did not prioritise the research design of studies but emphasised the ability of the studies to answer our review question. A traditional systematic review of controlled trials would contain a quality assessment stage, the purpose of which is to exclude studies that do not provide a reliable answer to the review question. However, given that there were no accepted – or empirically tested – methods for excluding qualitative studies from syntheses on the basis of their quality [ 57 , 12 , 58 ], we included all studies regardless of their quality.

Nevertheless, our studies did differ according to the quality criteria they were assessed against and it was important that we considered this in some way. In systematic reviews of trials, 'sensitivity analyses' – analyses which test the effect on the synthesis of including and excluding findings from studies of differing quality – are often carried out. Dixon-Woods et al . [ 12 ] suggest that assessing the feasibility and worth of conducting sensitivity analyses within syntheses of qualitative research should be an important focus of synthesis methods work. After our thematic synthesis was complete, we examined the relative contributions of studies to our final analytic themes and recommendations for interventions. We found that the poorer quality studies contributed comparatively little to the synthesis and did not contain many unique themes; the better studies, on the other hand, appeared to have more developed analyses and contributed most to the synthesis.

This paper has discussed the rationale for reviewing and synthesising qualitative research in a systematic way and has outlined one specific approach for doing this: thematic synthesis. While it is not the only method which might be used – and we have discussed some of the other options available – we present it here as a tested technique that has worked in the systematic reviews in which it has been employed.

We have observed that one of the key tasks in the synthesis of qualitative research is the translation of concepts between studies. While the activity of translating concepts is usually undertaken in the few syntheses of qualitative research that exist, there are few examples that specify the detail of how this translation is actually carried out. The example above shows how we achieved the translation of concepts across studies through the use of line-by-line coding, the organisation of these codes into descriptive themes, and the generation of analytical themes through the application of a higher level theoretical framework. This paper therefore also demonstrates how the methods and process of a thematic synthesis can be written up in a transparent way.

This paper goes some way to addressing concerns regarding the use of thematic analysis in research synthesis raised by Dixon-Woods and colleagues who argue that the approach can lack transparency due to a failure to distinguish between 'data-driven' or 'theory-driven' approaches. Moreover they suggest that, "if thematic analysis is limited to summarising themes reported in primary studies, it offers little by way of theoretical structure within which to develop higher order thematic categories..." [[ 35 ], p47]. Part of the problem, they observe, is that the precise methods of thematic synthesis are unclear. Our approach contains a clear separation between the 'data-driven' descriptive themes and the 'theory-driven' analytical themes and demonstrates how the review questions provided a theoretical structure within which it became possible to develop higher order thematic categories.

The theme of 'going beyond' the content of the primary studies was discussed earlier. Citing Strike and Posner [ 59 ], Campbell et al . [[ 11 ], p672] also suggest that synthesis "involves some degree of conceptual innovation, or employment of concepts not found in the characterisation of the parts and a means of creating the whole" . This was certainly true of the example given in this paper. We used a series of questions, derived from the main topic of our review, to focus an examination of our descriptive themes and we do not find our recommendations for interventions contained in the findings of the primary studies: these were new propositions generated by the reviewers in the light of the synthesis. The method also demonstrates that it is possible to synthesise without conceptual innovation. The initial synthesis, involving the translation of concepts between studies, was necessary in order for conceptual innovation to begin. One could argue that the conceptual innovation, in this case, was only necessary because the primary studies did not address our review question directly. In situations in which the primary studies are concerned directly with the review question, it may not be necessary to go beyond the contents of the original studies in order to produce a satisfactory synthesis (see, for example, Marston and King, [ 60 ]). Conceptually, our analytical themes are similar to the ultimate product of meta-ethnographies: third order interpretations [ 11 ], since both are explicit mechanisms for going beyond the content of the primary studies and presenting this in a transparent way. The main difference between them lies in their purposes. Third order interpretations bring together the implications of translating studies into one another in their own terms, whereas analytical themes are the result of interrogating a descriptive synthesis by placing it within an external theoretical framework (our review question and sub-questions). It may be, therefore, that analytical themes are more appropriate when a specific review question is being addressed (as often occurs when informing policy and practice), and third order interpretations should be used when a body of literature is being explored in and of itself, with broader, or emergent, review questions.

This paper is a contribution to the current developmental work taking place in understanding how best to bring together the findings of qualitative research to inform policy and practice. It is by no means the only method on offer but, by drawing on methods and principles from qualitative primary research, it benefits from the years of methodological development that underpins the research it seeks to synthesise.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Elaine Barnett-Page for her assistance in producing the draft paper, and David Gough, Ann Oakley and Sandy Oliver for their helpful comments. The review used an example in this paper was funded by the Department of Health (England). The methodological development was supported by Department of Health (England) and the ESRC through the Methods for Research Synthesis Node of the National Centre for Research Methods. In addition, Angela Harden held a senior research fellowship funded by the Department of Health (England) December 2003 – November 2007. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the funding bodies.

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Using NVivo TM as a methodological tool for a literature review on nursing innovation: a step-by-step approach

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This paper describes a step-by-step process on how to conduct a literature review using a qualitative analysis approach in conducting a literature review using NVivo to drive the analysis and explore the state of nursing innovation.

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This manuscript makes a unique contribution highlighting the importance of a comprehensive literature review following conceptual and methodological guidance. Previous literature on the literature review process usually describes the process quickly and without a specific step by step process. This manuscript describes a six-step process to conduct a literature review using a qualitative analytical program. The researcher selects the scope and establishes a search strategy, determines and applies the criteria for the selection process, selects the qualitative software, imports the data, extracts and codes the data, and analyzes it.

Qualitative research applications, such as NVivo, support nurses’ literature review process by improving rigor and reproducibility. The tools within the applications help better organize the literature, enhance transparency to the analytical process, and provide tools to visualize the data to improve the review’s overall quality. Having the steps documented and organized allows better collaboration between various researchers.

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General-purpose thematic analysis: a useful qualitative method for anaesthesia research

1 Centre for Medical and Health Sciences Education, School of Medicine, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand

2 Department of Anaesthesia, Auckland City Hospital, Auckland, New Zealand

Learning objectives

By reading this article, you should be able to:

  • • Explain when to use thematic analysis.
  • • Describe the steps in thematic analysis of interview data.
  • • Critique the quality of a study that uses the method of thematic analysis.
  • • Thematic analysis is a popular method for systematically analysing qualitative data, such as interview and focus group transcripts.
  • • It is one of a cluster of methods that focus on identifying patterns of meaning, or themes, across a data set.
  • • It is relevant to many questions in perioperative medicine and a good starting point for those new to qualitative research.
  • • Systematic approaches to thematically analysing data exist, with key components to demonstrate rigour, accountability, confirmability and reliability.
  • • In one study, a useful six-step approach to analysing data is offered.

Anaesthesia research commonly uses quantitative methods, such as surveys, RCTs or observational studies. Such methods are often concerned with answering what questions and how many questions. Qualitative research is more concerned with why questions that enable us to understand social complexities. ‘Qualitative studies in the anaesthetic setting’, write Shelton and colleagues, ‘have been used to define excellence in anaesthesia, explore the reasons behind drug errors, investigate the acquisition of expertise and examine incentives for hand hygiene in the operating theatre’. 1

General-purpose thematic analysis (termed thematic analysis hereafter) is a qualitative research method commonly used with interview and focus group data to understand people's experiences, ideas and perceptions about a given topic. Thematic analysis is a good starting point for those new to qualitative research and is relevant to many questions in the perioperative context. It can be used to understand the experiences of healthcare professionals and patients and their families. Box 1 gives examples of questions amenable to thematic analysis in anaesthesia research.

Examples of questions amenable to thematic analysis.

  • (i) How do operating theatre staff feel about speaking up with their concerns?
  • (ii) What are trainee's conceptions of the balance between service and learning?
  • (iii) What are patients' experiences of preoperative neurocognitive screening?

Alt-text: Box 1

Thematic analysis involves a process of assigning data to a number of codes, grouping codes into themes and then identifying patterns and interconnections between these themes. 2 Thematic analysis allows for a nuanced understanding of what people say and do within their particular social contexts. Of note, thematic analysis can be used with interviews and focus groups and other sources of data, such as documents or images.

Thematic analysis is not the same as content analysis. Content analysis involves counting the frequency with which words or phrases appear in data. Content analysis is a method used to code and categorise textual information systematically to determine trends, frequency and patterns of words used. 3 Conversely, thematic analysis focuses on the relative importance of ideas and how ideas connect and govern practices. Thematic analysis does not rely on frequency counts to indicate the importance of coded data. Content analysis can be coupled with thematic analysis, where both themes and frequencies of particular statements or words are reported.

Thematic analysis is a research method, not a methodology. A methodology is a method with a philosophical underpinning. If researchers report only on what they did, this is the method. If, in addition, they report on the philosophy that governed what they did, this is methodology. Common methodologies in qualitative research include phenomenology, grounded theory, hermeneutics, narrative enquiry and ethnography. 4 Each of these methodologies has associated methods for data analysis. Thematic analysis can be combined with many different qualitative methodologies.

There are also different types of thematic analysis, such as inductive (including general purpose), applied, deductive or semantic thematic analysis. Inductive analysis involves approaching the data with an open mind, inductively looking for patterns and themes and interpreting these for meaning. 2 , 4 Of note, researchers can never have a truly open mind on their topic of interest, so the process will be influenced by their particular perspectives, which need to be declared. In applied and deductive thematic analysis, the researcher will have a pre-existing framework (which may be informed by theory or philosophy) against which they will attempt to categorise the data. 4 , 5 , 6 For semantic thematic analysis, the data are coded on explicit content, and tend to be descriptive rather than interpretative. 6

In this review, we outline what thematic analysis entails and when to use it. We also list some markers to look for to appraise the quality of a published study.

Designing the data collection

Before embarking on qualitative research, as with quantitative research, it is important to seek ethical review of the proposed study. Ethical considerations include such issues as consent, data security and confidentiality, permission to use quotes, potential for identifying individuals or institutions, risk of psychological harm to participants with studies on sensitive issues (e.g. suicide or sexual harassment), power relationships between interviewer and interviewee or intrusion on other activities (such as teaching time or work commitments). 7

Qualitative research often involves asking people questions during interviews or focus groups. Merriam and Tisdell stated that, ‘The most common form of interview is the person-to-person encounter in which one person elicits information from the other’. 8 Information is elicited through careful and purposeful questioning and listening. 9 Research interviews in anaesthesia are generally purposeful conversations with a structure that allows the researcher to gather information about a participant's ideas, perceptions and experiences concerning a given topic.

A structured interview is when the researcher has already decided on a set of questions to ask. 9 If the researcher will ask a set of questions, but has flexibility to follow up responses with further questions, this is called a semi-structured interview. Semi-structured interviews are commonly used in research involving thematic analysis. The researcher can also use other forms of questioning, such as single-question interview. Semi-structured interviews are commonly used in anaesthesia, such as the studies from our own research group. 10 , 11 , 12

Interviews are usually recorded in audio form and then transcribed. For each interview or focus group, a single transcript is created. The transcripts become the written form of data and the collection of transcripts from the research participants becomes the data set.

Designing productive interview questions

The design of interview questions significantly shapes a participant's response. Interview questions should be designed using ‘sensitising concepts’ to encourage participants to share information that will increase a researcher's understanding of the participants' experiences, views, beliefs and behaviours. 13 ‘Sensitising concepts’ describe words in questions that bring the participants' attention to a concept of research interest. Examples of sensitising concepts include speaking up, teamwork and theoretical concepts (such as Kolb's experiential learning cycle or Foucauldian power theory in relation to trainee learning and operating theatre culture). 14 , 15 Specifically, the questions should be framed in such a way as to encourage participants to make sense of their own experience and in their own words. The researcher should try to minimise the influences of their own biases when they design questions. Using open-ended questions will increase the richness of data. Box 2 gives examples of question design.

How to design an interview question.

Image 1

Alt-text: Box 2

Bias, positionality and reflexivity

Bias is an inclination or prejudice for or against someone or something, whereas positionality is a person's position in society or their stance towards someone or something. For example, Tanisha once had an inexperienced anaesthetist accidentally rupture one of her veins whilst they were siting an i.v. cannula in an emergency situation. Now, Tanisha has a bias against inexperienced anaesthetists. Tanisha's positionality —a medical anthropologist with no anaesthesia training, but working with many anaesthesia colleagues, including her director—may also inform that bias or the way that Tanisha interacts with anaesthetists. Reflexivity is a process whereby people/researchers proactively reflect on their biases and positionality. Biases shape positionality (i.e. the stance of the researcher in relation to the social, historical and political contexts of the study). In practical research terms, biases and positionality inform the way researchers design and undertake research, and the way they interpret data. It is important in qualitative research to both identify biases and positionality, and to take steps to minimise the impact of these on the research.

Some ways to minimise the influence of bias and positionality on findings include:

(i) Raise awareness amongst the research team of bias and positionality.

(ii) Design research/interview questions that minimise potential for these to distort which data are collected or how they are collected.

(iii) Researchers ask reflexive questions during data analysis, such as, ‘Is my bias about xxx informing my view of these data?’

(iv) Two or more researchers are involved in the analysis process.

(v) Data analysis member check (e.g. checking back with participants if the interpretation of their data is consistent with their experience and with what they said).

Before embarking on the study, researchers should consider their own experiences, knowledge and views; how this influences their own position in relation to the study question; and how this position could potentially introduce bias in how they collect and analyse the data. Taking time to reflect on the impact of the researchers' position is an important step towards being reflective and transparent throughout the research process. When writing up the study, researchers should include statements on bias and positionality. In quantitative research, we aim to eliminate bias. In qualitative research, we acknowledge that bias is inevitable (and sometimes even unconscious), and we take steps to make it explicit and to minimise its effect on study design and data interpretation.

Sampling and saturation

Qualitative research typically uses systematic, non-probability sampling. Unlike quantitative research, the goal of sampling is not to randomly select a representative sample from a population. Instead, researchers identify and select individuals or groups relevant to the research question. Commonly used sampling techniques in anaesthesia qualitative research are homogeneous (group) sampling and maximum variation sampling. In the former, researchers may be concerned with the experiences of participants from a distinct group or who share a certain characteristic (e.g. female anaesthesia trainees), so they recruit selectively from within the group with this shared characteristic to gain a rich, in-depth understanding of their experiences. Conversely, the aim with maximum variation sampling is to recruit participants with diverse characteristics to obtain a broad understanding of the question being studied (e.g. members of different professional groups within operating theatre teams, who have diverse ages, gender and ethnicities).

As with quantitative research, the purpose of sampling is to recruit sufficient numbers of participants to enable identification of patterns or richness in what they say or do to understand or explain the phenomenon of interest, and where collecting more data is unlikely to change this understanding.

In qualitative research, data collection and analysis often occur concurrently. This is because data collection is an iterative process both in recruitment and in questioning. The researchers may identify that more data are needed from a particular demographic group or on a particular theme to reach data saturation, so the next participants may be selected from a particular demographic, or be asked slightly different questions or probes to draw out that theme. Sample size is considered adequate when little or no new information emerges from interviews or focus groups; this is generally termed ‘data saturation’, although some qualitative researchers use the term ‘data sufficiency’. This could also be explained in terms of data reliability (i.e. the researcher is satisfied that collecting more data will not substantially change the results). Data saturation typically occurs with between 12 and 17 participants in a relatively homogeneous sampling, but larger numbers may be required, where the interviewees are from distinct groups or cultures. 16 , 17

Data management

For data sets that involve 10 or more transcripts or lengthy interviews (e.g. 90 min or more), researchers often use software to help them collate and manage the data. The most commonly used qualitative software packages are QSR NVivo, Atlas and Dedoose. 18 , 19 , 20 Many researchers use Microsoft Excel instead, or for small data sets the analysis can be done by hand, with pen, paper and scissors (i.e. researchers cut up printed transcripts and reorder the information according to code and theme). 21 NVivo and Atlas are simply repositories, in which you can input the transcripts and, using your coding scheme, sort the text into codes. They facilitate the task of analysis, rather than doing the analysis for you. Some advantages over coding by hand are that text can be allocated to more than one code, and you can easily identify the source of the segment of text you have coded.

Data analysis

Qualitative data analysis is ‘the classification and interpretation of linguistic (or visual) material to make statements about implicit and explicit dimensions and structures of meaning-making in the material and what is represented in it’. 22

Several social scientists have described this analytical process in depth. 2 , 6 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 For inductive studies, we recommend researchers follow Braun and Clarke's practical six-phase approach to thematic analysis. 26 The phases are (i) familiarising the researcher with the data, (ii) generating initial codes, (iii) searching for themes, (iv) reviewing themes, (v) defining and naming themes and (vi) producing the report. These six phases are described next.

Phase 1: familiarising the researcher with the data

In this step, the researchers read the transcripts to become familiar with them and take notes on potential recurring ideas or potential themes. They share and discuss their ideas and, in conjunction with any sensitising concepts, they start thinking about possible codes or themes.

Phase 2: generating initial codes

The first step in Phase 2 is ‘assigning some sort of short-hand designation to various aspects of your data so that you can easily retrieve specific pieces of the data’. 2 The designation might be a word or a short phrase that summarises or captures the essence of a particular piece of text. Coding makes it easier to summarise and compare, which is important because qualitative research is primarily about synthesis and comparison of data. 2 , 25 As the researcher reads through the data, they assign codes. If they are coding a transcript, they might highlight some words, for example, and attach to them a single word that summarises their meaning.

Researchers undertaking thematic analysis should iteratively develop a ‘coding scheme’, which is essentially a list of the codes they create as they read the data, and definitions for each code. 25 , 26 Code definitions are important, as they help the researcher make decisions on whether to assign this code or another one to a segment of data. In Table 1 , we have provided an example of text data in Column 1. TJ analysed these data. To do so, she asked, ‘What are these data about? How does it answer the research question? What is the essence of this statement?’ She underlined keywords and created codes and definitions (Columns 2 and 3). Then, TJ searched the remaining data to see if any more data met each code definition, and if so, coded that (see Table 1 ). As demonstrated in Table 1 , data can be coded to multiple codes.

Table 1

How to code qualitative data: an example

In thematic analysis of interview data, we recommend that code definitions begin with something objective, such as ‘participant describes’. This keeps the researcher's focus on what participants said rather than what the researcher thought or said.

There is no set rule for how many codes to create. 25 However, in our experience, effective manageable coding schemes tend to have between 15 and 50 codes. The coding scheme is iterative. This means that the coding scheme is developed over time, with new codes being created as more data are coded. For example, after a close reading of the first transcript, the researcher might create, say, 10 codes that convey the key points. Then, the researcher reads and codes the next transcript and may, for instance, create additional four codes. As additional transcripts are read and coded, more codes may be created. Not all codes are relevant to all transcripts. The researcher will notice patterns as they code more transcripts. Some codes may be too broad and will need to be refined into two or three smaller codes (and vice versa ). Once the coding scheme is deemed complete and all transcripts have been coded, the researcher should go back to the beginning and recode the first few transcripts to ensure coding rigour.

The second step in Phase 2, once the coding is complete, is to collate all the data relevant to each of these codes.

Phase 3: searching for themes

In this phase, the researchers look across the codes to identify connections between them, with the intention of collating the codes into possible themes. Once these possible themes have been identified, all the data relevant to each possible theme are pulled together under that theme.

Phase 4: reviewing the themes

After the initial collation of the data into themes, the researchers undertake a rigorous process of checking the integrity of these themes, through reading and re-reading their data. This process includes checking to see if the themes ‘fit’ in relation to the coded excerpts (i.e. Do all the data collected under that theme fit within that theme?). Next is checking if the themes fit in relation to the whole data set (i.e. Do the themes adequately reflect the data?) This step may result in the search for additional themes. As a final step in this phase, the researchers create a thematic ‘map’ of the analysis.

When viewed together, the themes should answer the research question and should summarise participant experiences, views or behaviours.

Phase 5: naming the themes

Once researchers have checked the themes and included any additional emerging themes they name the final set of themes identified. Each theme and any subthemes should be listed in turn.

Phase 6: producing the report

The report should summarise the themes and illustrate them by choosing vivid or persuasive extracts from the data. For data arising from interviews, extracts will be quotes from participants. In some studies, researchers also report strong associations between themes, or divide a theme into sub-themes.

Tight word limits on many academic journals can make it difficult to include multiple quotes in the text. 27 One way around a word limit is to provide quotes in a table or a supplementary file, although quotes within the text tend to make for more interesting and compelling reading.

Who should analyse the data?

Ideally, each researcher in the team should be involved in the data analysis. Contrasting researcher viewpoints on the same study subject enhance data quality and validity, and minimise research bias. Independent analysis is time and resource intensive. In clinical research, close independent analysis by each member of the research team may be impractical, and one or two members may undertake the analysis while the rest of the research team read sections of data (e.g. reading two or three transcripts rather than closely analysing the whole data set), thus contributing to Phase 1 and Phase 2 of Braun and Clarke's method. 2

The research team should regularly meet to discuss the analytical process, as described earlier, to workshop and reach agreement on the coding and emergent themes (Phase 4 and Phase 5). The research team members compare their perspectives on the data, analyse divergences and coincidences and reach agreement on codes and emerging themes. Contrasting researcher viewpoints on the same study subject enhance data quality and validity, and minimise research bias.

Judging the quality and rigour of published studies involving thematic analysis

There are a number of indicators of quality when reading and appraising studies. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 In essence, the authors should clearly state their method of analysis (e.g. thematic analysis) and should reference the literature relevant to their qualitative method, for example Braun and Clarke. 2 This is to indicate that they are following established steps in thematic analysis. The authors should include in the methods a description of the research team, their biases and experience and the efforts made to ensure analytical rigour. Verbatim quotes should be included in the findings to provide evidence to support the themes.

A number of guides have been published to assist readers, researchers and reviewers to evaluate the quality of a qualitative study. 30 , 31 The Joanna Briggs Institute guide to critical appraisal of qualitative studies is a good start. 30 This guide includes a set of 10 criteria, which can be used to rate the study. The criteria are summarised in Box 3 . Within these criteria lie rigorous methodological approaches to how data are collected, analysed and interpreted.

Ten quality appraisal criteria for qualitative literature.31

  • (i) Alignment between the stated philosophical perspective and the research methodology
  • (ii) Alignment between the research methodology and the research question or objectives
  • (iii) Alignment between the research methodology and the methods used to collect data
  • (iv) Alignment between the research methodology and the representation and analysis of data
  • (v) Alignment between the research methodology and the interpretation of results
  • (vi) A statement locating the researcher culturally or theoretically (positionality and bias)
  • (vii) The influence of the researcher on the research, and vice versa
  • (viii) Adequate representation of participants and their voices
  • (ix) Ethical research conduct and evidence of ethical approval by an appropriate body
  • (x) Conclusions flow from the analysis, or interpretation, of the data

Alt-text: Box 3

Another approach to quality appraisal comes from Lincoln and Guba, who have published widely on the topic of judging qualitative quality. 28 They look for quality in terms of credibility, transferability, dependability, confirmability and authenticity. There are many qualitative checklists readily accessible online, such as the Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research checklist or the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research checklist, which researchers can include in their work to demonstrate quality in these areas.

Conclusions

As with quantitative research, qualitative research has requirements for rigour and trustworthiness. Thematic analysis is an accessible qualitative method that can offer researchers insight into the shared experiences, views and behaviours of research participants.

Declaration of interests

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

The associated MCQs (to support CME/CPD activity) will be accessible at www.bjaed.org/cme/home by subscribers to BJA Education .

Biographies

Tanisha Jowsey PhD BA (Hons) MA PhD is a senior lecturer in the Centre for Medical and Health Sciences Education, School of Medicine, University of Auckland. She has a background in medical anthropology and has expertise as a qualitative researcher.

Carolyn Deng MPH FANZCA is a specialist anaesthetist at Auckland City Hospital. She has a Master of Public Health degree. She is embarking on qualitative research in perioperative medicine and hopes to use it as a tool to complement quantitative research findings in the future.

Jennifer Weller MD MClinEd FANZCA FRCA is head of the Centre for Medical and Health Sciences Education at the University of Auckland. Professor Weller is a specialist anaesthetist at Auckland City Hospital and often uses qualitative methods in her research in clinical education, teamwork and patients' safety.

Matrix codes: 1A01, 2A01, 3A01

Forensic psychiatric nursing: a literature review and thematic analysis of role tensions

Affiliation.

  • 1 Caswell Clinic/University of Glamorgan, Glanrhyd Hospital, Bridgend, Mid-Glamorgan, UK.
  • PMID: 12358705
  • DOI: 10.1046/j.1365-2850.2002.00521.x

This literature review was undertaken to explore the emergent issues relating to the difficulties encountered in forensic psychiatric nursing. The rationale for the study revolved around the paucity of research undertaken to identify the constituent parts of this professional practice. The aims included both a thematic analysis of the literature and the construction of a theoretical framework to guide further research. The method was a snowballing collection of literature and a computerized database search. The results were the identification of a series of major issues, which were broadly categorized as negative and positive views, security vs. therapy, management of violence, therapeutic efficacy, training and cultural formation. From this the six binary oppositions, or domains of practice, emerged as a theoretical framework to develop further research. These were medical vs. lay knowledge, transference vs. counter-transference, win vs. lose, success vs. failure, use vs. abuse, and confidence vs. fear. Further research is currently underway.

Publication types

  • Research Support, Non-U.S. Gov't
  • Clinical Competence
  • Ethics, Nursing
  • Forensic Psychiatry / education
  • Forensic Psychiatry / ethics
  • Forensic Psychiatry / standards*
  • Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice
  • Nurse's Role*
  • Nursing Process
  • Philosophy, Nursing
  • Professional Autonomy
  • Psychiatric Nursing / education
  • Psychiatric Nursing / ethics
  • Psychiatric Nursing / standards*
  • United Kingdom
  • Open access
  • Published: 23 April 2024

Designing feedback processes in the workplace-based learning of undergraduate health professions education: a scoping review

  • Javiera Fuentes-Cimma 1 , 2 ,
  • Dominique Sluijsmans 3 ,
  • Arnoldo Riquelme 4 ,
  • Ignacio Villagran   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3130-8326 1 ,
  • Lorena Isbej   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4272-8484 2 , 5 ,
  • María Teresa Olivares-Labbe 6 &
  • Sylvia Heeneman 7  

BMC Medical Education volume  24 , Article number:  440 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

172 Accesses

Metrics details

Feedback processes are crucial for learning, guiding improvement, and enhancing performance. In workplace-based learning settings, diverse teaching and assessment activities are advocated to be designed and implemented, generating feedback that students use, with proper guidance, to close the gap between current and desired performance levels. Since productive feedback processes rely on observed information regarding a student's performance, it is imperative to establish structured feedback activities within undergraduate workplace-based learning settings. However, these settings are characterized by their unpredictable nature, which can either promote learning or present challenges in offering structured learning opportunities for students. This scoping review maps literature on how feedback processes are organised in undergraduate clinical workplace-based learning settings, providing insight into the design and use of feedback.

A scoping review was conducted. Studies were identified from seven databases and ten relevant journals in medical education. The screening process was performed independently in duplicate with the support of the StArt program. Data were organized in a data chart and analyzed using thematic analysis. The feedback loop with a sociocultural perspective was used as a theoretical framework.

The search yielded 4,877 papers, and 61 were included in the review. Two themes were identified in the qualitative analysis: (1) The organization of the feedback processes in workplace-based learning settings, and (2) Sociocultural factors influencing the organization of feedback processes. The literature describes multiple teaching and assessment activities that generate feedback information. Most papers described experiences and perceptions of diverse teaching and assessment feedback activities. Few studies described how feedback processes improve performance. Sociocultural factors such as establishing a feedback culture, enabling stable and trustworthy relationships, and enhancing student feedback agency are crucial for productive feedback processes.

Conclusions

This review identified concrete ideas regarding how feedback could be organized within the clinical workplace to promote feedback processes. The feedback encounter should be organized to allow follow-up of the feedback, i.e., working on required learning and performance goals at the next occasion. The educational programs should design feedback processes by appropriately planning subsequent tasks and activities. More insight is needed in designing a full-loop feedback process, in which specific attention is needed in effective feedforward practices.

Peer Review reports

The design of effective feedback processes in higher education has been important for educators and researchers and has prompted numerous publications discussing potential mechanisms, theoretical frameworks, and best practice examples over the past few decades. Initially, research on feedback primarily focused more on teachers and feedback delivery, and students were depicted as passive feedback recipients [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. The feedback conversation has recently evolved to a more dynamic emphasis on interaction, sense-making, outcomes in actions, and engagement with learners [ 2 ]. This shift aligns with utilizing the feedback process as a form of social interaction or dialogue to enhance performance [ 4 ]. Henderson et al. (2019) defined feedback processes as "where the learner makes sense of performance-relevant information to promote their learning." (p. 17). When a student grasps the information concerning their performance in connection to the desired learning outcome and subsequently takes suitable action, a feedback loop is closed so the process can be regarded as successful [ 5 , 6 ].

Hattie and Timperley (2007) proposed a comprehensive perspective on feedback, the so-called feedback loop, to answer three key questions: “Where am I going? “How am I going?” and “Where to next?” [ 7 ]. Each question represents a key dimension of the feedback loop. The first is the feed-up, which consists of setting learning goals and sharing clear objectives of learners' performance expectations. While the concept of the feed-up might not be consistently included in the literature, it is considered to be related to principles of effective feedback and goal setting within educational contexts [ 7 , 8 ]. Goal setting allows students to focus on tasks and learning, and teachers to have clear intended learning outcomes to enable the design of aligned activities and tasks in which feedback processes can be embedded [ 9 ]. Teachers can improve the feed-up dimension by proposing clear, challenging, but achievable goals [ 7 ]. The second dimension of the feedback loop focuses on feedback and aims to answer the second question by obtaining information about students' current performance. Different teaching and assessment activities can be used to obtain feedback information, and it can be provided by a teacher or tutor, a peer, oneself, a patient, or another coworker. The last dimension of the feedback loop is the feedforward, which is specifically associated with using feedback to improve performance or change behaviors [ 10 ]. Feedforward is crucial in closing the loop because it refers to those specific actions students must take to reduce the gap between current and desired performance [ 7 ].

From a sociocultural perspective, feedback processes involve a social practice consisting of intricate relationships within a learning context [ 11 ]. The main feature of this approach is that students learn from feedback only when the feedback encounter includes generating, making sense of, and acting upon the information given [ 11 ]. In the context of workplace-based learning (WBL), actionable feedback plays a crucial role in enabling learners to leverage specific feedback to enhance their performance, skills, and conceptual understandings. The WBL environment provides students with a valuable opportunity to gain hands-on experience in authentic clinical settings, in which students work more independently on real-world tasks, allowing them to develop and exhibit their competencies [ 3 ]. However, WBL settings are characterized by their unpredictable nature, which can either promote self-directed learning or present challenges in offering structured learning opportunities for students [ 12 ]. Consequently, designing purposive feedback opportunities within WBL settings is a significant challenge for clinical teachers and faculty.

In undergraduate clinical education, feedback opportunities are often constrained due to the emphasis on clinical work and the absence of dedicated time for teaching [ 13 ]. Students are expected to perform autonomously under supervision, ideally achieved by giving them space to practice progressively and providing continuous instances of constructive feedback [ 14 ]. However, the hierarchy often present in clinical settings places undergraduate students in a dependent position, below residents and specialists [ 15 ]. Undergraduate or junior students may have different approaches to receiving and using feedback. If their priority is meeting the minimum standards given pass-fail consequences and acting merely as feedback recipients, other incentives may be needed to engage with the feedback processes because they will need more learning support [ 16 , 17 ]. Adequate supervision and feedback have been recognized as vital educational support in encouraging students to adopt a constructive learning approach [ 18 ]. Given that productive feedback processes rely on observed information regarding a student's performance, it is imperative to establish structured teaching and learning feedback activities within undergraduate WBL settings.

Despite the extensive research on feedback, a significant proportion of published studies involve residents or postgraduate students [ 19 , 20 ]. Recent reviews focusing on feedback interventions within medical education have clearly distinguished between undergraduate medical students and residents or fellows [ 21 ]. To gain a comprehensive understanding of initiatives related to actionable feedback in the WBL environment for undergraduate health professions, a scoping review of the existing literature could provide insight into how feedback processes are designed in that context. Accordingly, the present scoping review aims to answer the following research question: How are the feedback processes designed in the undergraduate health professions' workplace-based learning environments?

A scoping review was conducted using the five-step methodological framework proposed by Arksey and O'Malley (2005) [ 22 ], intertwined with the PRISMA checklist extension for scoping reviews to provide reporting guidance for this specific type of knowledge synthesis [ 23 ]. Scoping reviews allow us to study the literature without restricting the methodological quality of the studies found, systematically and comprehensively map the literature, and identify gaps [ 24 ]. Furthermore, a scoping review was used because this topic is not suitable for a systematic review due to the varied approaches described and the large difference in the methodologies used [ 21 ].

Search strategy

With the collaboration of a medical librarian, the authors used the research question to guide the search strategy. An initial meeting was held to define keywords and search resources. The proposed search strategy was reviewed by the research team, and then the study selection was conducted in two steps:

An online database search included Medline/PubMed, Web of Science, CINAHL, Cochrane Library, Embase, ERIC, and PsycINFO.

A directed search of ten relevant journals in the health sciences education field (Academic Medicine, Medical Education, Advances in Health Sciences Education, Medical Teacher, Teaching and Learning in Medicine, Journal of Surgical Education, BMC Medical Education, Medical Education Online, Perspectives on Medical Education and The Clinical Teacher) was performed.

The research team conducted a pilot or initial search before the full search to identify if the topic was susceptible to a scoping review. The full search was conducted in November 2022. One team member (MO) identified the papers in the databases. JF searched in the selected journals. Authors included studies written in English due to feasibility issues, with no time span limitation. After eliminating duplicates, two research team members (JF and IV) independently reviewed all the titles and abstracts using the exclusion and inclusion criteria described in Table  2 and with the support of the screening application StArT [ 25 ]. A third team member (AR) reviewed the titles and abstracts when the first two disagreed. The reviewer team met again at a midpoint and final stage to discuss the challenges related to study selection. Articles included for full-text review were exported to Mendeley. JF independently screened all full-text papers, and AR verified 10% for inclusion. The authors did not analyze study quality or risk of bias during study selection, which is consistent with conducting a scoping review.

The analysis of the results incorporated a descriptive summary and a thematic analysis, which was carried out to clarify and give consistency to the results' reporting [ 22 , 24 , 26 ]. Quantitative data were analyzed to report the characteristics of the studies, populations, settings, methods, and outcomes. Qualitative data were labeled, coded, and categorized into themes by three team members (JF, SH, and DS). The feedback loop framework with a sociocultural perspective was used as the theoretical framework to analyze the results.

The keywords used for the search strategies were as follows:

Clinical clerkship; feedback; formative feedback; health professions; undergraduate medical education; workplace.

Definitions of the keywords used for the present review are available in Appendix 1 .

As an example, we included the search strategy that we used in the Medline/PubMed database when conducting the full search:

("Formative Feedback"[Mesh] OR feedback) AND ("Workplace"[Mesh] OR workplace OR "Clinical Clerkship"[Mesh] OR clerkship) AND (("Education, Medical, Undergraduate"[Mesh] OR undergraduate health profession*) OR (learner* medical education)).

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

The following inclusion and exclusion criteria were used (Table  1 ):

Data extraction

The research group developed a data-charting form to organize the information obtained from the studies. The process was iterative, as the data chart was continuously reviewed and improved as necessary. In addition, following Levac et al.'s recommendation (2010), the three members involved in the charting process (JF, LI, and IV) independently reviewed the first five selected studies to determine whether the data extraction was consistent with the objectives of this scoping review and to ensure consistency. Then, the team met using web-conferencing software (Zoom; CA, USA) to review the results and adjust any details in the chart. The same three members extracted data independently from all the selected studies, considering two members reviewing each paper [ 26 ]. A third team member was consulted if any conflict occurred when extracting data. The data chart identified demographic patterns and facilitated the data synthesis. To organize data, we used a shared Excel spreadsheet, considering the following headings: title, author(s), year of publication, journal/source, country/origin, aim of the study, research question (if any), population/sample size, participants, discipline, setting, methodology, study design, data collection, data analysis, intervention, outcomes, outcomes measure, key findings, and relation of findings to research question.

Additionally, all the included papers were uploaded to AtlasTi v19 to facilitate the qualitative analysis. Three team members (JF, SH, and DS) independently coded the first six papers to create a list of codes to ensure consistency and rigor. The group met several times to discuss and refine the list of codes. Then, one member of the team (JF) used the code list to code all the rest of the papers. Once all papers were coded, the team organized codes into descriptive themes aligned with the research question.

Preliminary results were shared with a number of stakeholders (six clinical teachers, ten students, six medical educators) to elicit their opinions as an opportunity to build on the evidence and offer a greater level of meaning, content expertise, and perspective to the preliminary findings [ 26 ]. No quality appraisal of the studies is considered for this scoping review, which aligns with the frameworks for guiding scoping reviews [ 27 ].

The datasets analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon request.

A database search resulted in 3,597 papers, and the directed search of the most relevant journals in the health sciences education field yielded 2,096 titles. An example of the results of one database is available in Appendix 2 . Of the titles obtained, 816 duplicates were eliminated, and the team reviewed the titles and abstracts of 4,877 papers. Of these, 120 were selected for full-text review. Finally, 61 papers were included in this scoping review (Fig.  1 ), as listed in Table  2 .

figure 1

PRISMA flow diagram for included studies, incorporating records identified through the database and direct searching

The selected studies were published between 1986 and 2022, and seventy-five percent (46) were published during the last decade. Of all the articles included in this review, 13% (8) were literature reviews: one integrative review [ 28 ] and four scoping reviews [ 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Finally, fifty-three (87%) original or empirical papers were included (i.e., studies that answered a research question or achieved a research purpose through qualitative or quantitative methodologies) [ 15 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 , 85 ].

Table 2 summarizes the papers included in the present scoping review, and Table  3 describes the characteristics of the included studies.

The thematic analysis resulted in two themes: (1) the organization of feedback processes in WBL settings, and (2) sociocultural factors influencing the organization of feedback processes. Table 4 gives a summary of the themes and subthemes.

Organization of feedback processes in WBL settings.

Setting learning goals (i.e., feed-up dimension).

Feedback that focuses on students' learning needs and is based on known performance standards enhances student response and setting learning goals [ 30 ]. Discussing goals and agreements before starting clinical practice enhances students' feedback-seeking behavior [ 39 ] and responsiveness to feedback [ 83 ]. Farrell et al. (2017) found that teacher-learner co-constructed learning goals enhance feedback interactions and help establish educational alliances, improving the learning experience [ 50 ]. However, Kiger (2020) found that sharing individualized learning plans with teachers aligned feedback with learning goals but did not improve students' perceived use of feedback [ 64 ]

Two papers of this set pointed out the importance of goal-oriented feedback, a dynamic process that depends on discussion of goal setting between teachers and students [ 50 ] and influences how individuals experience, approach, and respond to upcoming learning activities [ 34 ]. Goal-oriented feedback should be embedded in the learning experience of the clinical workplace, as it can enhance students' engagement in safe feedback dialogues [ 50 ]. Ideally, each feedback encounter in the WBL context should conclude, in addition to setting a plan of action to achieve the desired goal, with a reflection on the next goal [ 50 ].

Feedback strategies within the WBL environment. (i.e., feedback dimension)

In undergraduate WBL environments, there are several tasks and feedback opportunities organized in the undergraduate clinical workplace that can enable feedback processes:

Questions from clinical teachers to students are a feedback strategy [ 74 ]. There are different types of questions that the teacher can use, either to clarify concepts, to reach the correct answer, or to facilitate self-correction [ 74 ]. Usually, questions can be used in conjunction with other communication strategies, such as pauses, which enable self-correction by the student [ 74 ]. Students can also ask questions to obtain feedback on their performance [ 54 ]. However, question-and-answer as a feedback strategy usually provides information on either correct or incorrect answers and fewer suggestions for improvement, rendering it less constructive as a feedback strategy [ 82 ].

Direct observation of performance by default is needed to be able to provide information to be used as input in the feedback process [ 33 , 46 , 49 , 86 ]. In the process of observation, teachers can include clarification of objectives (i.e., feed-up dimension) and suggestions for an action plan (i.e., feedforward) [ 50 ]. Accordingly, Schopper et al. (2016) showed that students valued being observed while interviewing patients, as they received feedback that helped them become more efficient and effective as interviewers and communicators [ 33 ]. Moreover, it is widely described that direct observation improves feedback credibility [ 33 , 40 , 84 ]. Ideally, observation should be deliberate [ 33 , 83 ], informal or spontaneous [ 33 ], conducted by a (clinical) expert [ 46 , 86 ], provided immediately after the observation, and clinical teacher if possible, should schedule or be alert on follow-up observations to promote closing the gap between current and desired performance [ 46 ].

Workplace-based assessments (WBAs), by definition, entail direct observation of performance during authentic task demonstration [ 39 , 46 , 56 , 87 ]. WBAs can significantly impact behavioral change in medical students [ 55 ]. Organizing and designing formative WBAs and embedding these in a feedback dialogue is essential for effective learning [ 31 ].

Summative organization of WBAs is a well described barrier for feedback uptake in the clinical workplace [ 35 , 46 ]. If feedback is perceived as summative, or organized as a pass-fail decision, students may be less inclined to use the feedback for future learning [ 52 ]. According to Schopper et al. (2016), using a scale within a WBA makes students shift their focus during the clinical interaction and see it as an assessment with consequences [ 33 ]. Harrison et al. (2016) pointed out that an environment that only contains assessments with a summative purpose will not lead to a culture of learning and improving performance [ 56 ]. The recommendation is to separate the formative and summative WBAs, as feedback in summative instances is often not recognized as a learning opportunity or an instance to seek feedback [ 54 ]. In terms of the design, an organizational format is needed to clarify to students how formative assessments can promote learning from feedback [ 56 ]. Harrison et al. (2016) identified that enabling students to have more control over their assessments, designing authentic assessments, and facilitating long-term mentoring could improve receptivity to formative assessment feedback [ 56 ].

Multiple WBA instruments and systems are reported in the literature. Sox et al. (2014) used a detailed evaluation form to help students improve their clinical case presentation skills. They found that feedback on oral presentations provided by supervisors using a detailed evaluation form improved clerkship students’ oral presentation skills [ 78 ]. Daelmans et al. (2006) suggested that a formal in-training assessment programme composed by 19 assessments that provided structured feedback, could promote observation and verbal feedback opportunities through frequent assessments [ 43 ]. However, in this setting, limited student-staff interactions still hindered feedback follow-up [ 43 ]. Designing frequent WBA improves feedback credibility [ 28 ]. Long et al. (2021) emphasized that students' responsiveness to assessment feedback hinges on its perceived credibility, underlining the importance of credibility for students to effectively engage and improve their performance [ 31 ].

The mini-CEX is one of the most widely described WBA instruments in the literature. Students perceive that the mini-CEX allows them to be observed and encourages the development of interviewing skills [ 33 ]. The mini-CEX can provide feedback that improves students' clinical skills [ 58 , 60 ], as it incorporates a structure for discussing the student's strengths and weaknesses and the design of a written action plan [ 39 , 80 ]. When mini-CEXs are incorporated as part of a system of WBA, such as programmatic assessment, students feel confident in seeking feedback after observation, and being systematic allows for follow-up [ 39 ]. Students suggested separating grading from observation and using the mini-CEX in more informal situations [ 33 ].

Clinical encounter cards allow students to receive weekly feedback and make them request more feedback as the clerkship progresses [ 65 ]. Moreover, encounter cards stimulate that feedback is given by supervisors, and students are more satisfied with the feedback process [ 72 ]. With encounter card feedback, students are responsible for asking a supervisor for feedback before a clinical encounter, and supervisors give students written and verbal comments about their performance after the encounter [ 42 , 72 ]. Encounter cards enhance the use of feedback and add approximately one minute to the length of the clinical encounter, so they are well accepted by students and supervisors [ 72 ]. Bennett (2006) identified that Instant Feedback Cards (IFC) facilitated mid-rotation feedback [ 38 ]. Feedback encounter card comments must be discussed between students and supervisors; otherwise, students may perceive it as impersonal, static, formulaic, and incomplete [ 59 ].

Self-assessments can change students' feedback orientation, transforming them into coproducers of learning [ 68 ]. Self-assessments promote the feedback process [ 68 ]. Some articles emphasize the importance of organizing self-assessments before receiving feedback from supervisors, for example, discussing their appraisal with the supervisor [ 46 , 52 ]. In designing a feedback encounter, starting with a self-assessment as feed-up, discussing with the supervisor, and identifying areas for improvement is recommended, as part of the feedback dialogue [ 68 ].

Peer feedback as an organized activity allows students to develop strategies to observe and give feedback to other peers [ 61 ]. Students can act as the feedback provider or receiver, fostering understanding of critical comments and promoting evaluative judgment for their clinical practice [ 61 ]. Within clerkships, enabling the sharing of feedback information among peers allows for a better understanding and acceptance of feedback [ 52 ]. However, students can find it challenging to take on the peer assessor/feedback provider role, as they prefer to avoid social conflicts [ 28 , 61 ]. Moreover, it has been described that they do not trust the judgment of their peers because they are not experts, although they know the procedures, tasks, and steps well and empathize with their peer status in the learning process [ 61 ].

Bedside-teaching encounters (BTEs) provide timely feedback and are an opportunity for verbal feedback during performance [ 74 ]. Rizan et al. (2014) explored timely feedback delivered within BTEs and determined that it promotes interaction that constructively enhances learner development through various corrective strategies (e.g., question and answers, pauses, etc.). However, if the feedback given during the BTEs was general, unspecific, or open-ended, it could go unnoticed [ 74 ]. Torre et al. (2005) investigated which integrated feedback activities and clinical tasks occurred on clerkship rotations and assessed students' perceived quality in each teaching encounter [ 81 ]. The feedback activities reported were feedback on written clinical history, physical examination, differential diagnosis, oral case presentation, a daily progress note, and bedside feedback. Students considered all these feedback activities high-quality learning opportunities, but they were more likely to receive feedback when teaching was at the bedside than at other teaching locations [ 81 ].

Case presentations are an opportunity for feedback within WBL contexts [ 67 , 73 ]. However, both students and supervisors struggled to identify them as feedback moments, and they often dismissed questions and clarifications around case presentations as feedback [ 73 ]. Joshi (2017) identified case presentations as a way for students to ask for informal or spontaneous supervisor feedback [ 63 ].

Organization of follow-up feedback and action plans (i.e., feedforward dimension).

Feedback that generates use and response from students is characterized by two-way communication and embedded in a dialogue [ 30 ]. Feedback must be future-focused [ 29 ], and a feedback encounter should be followed by planning the next observation [ 46 , 87 ]. Follow-up feedback could be organized as a future self-assessment, reflective practice by the student, and/or a discussion with the supervisor or coach [ 68 ]. The literature describes that a lack of student interaction with teachers makes follow-up difficult [ 43 ]. According to Haffling et al. (2011), follow-up feedback sessions improve students' satisfaction with feedback compared to students who do not have follow-up sessions. In addition, these same authors reported that a second follow-up session allows verification of improved performances or confirmation that the skill was acquired [ 55 ].

Although feedback encounter forms are a recognized way of obtaining information about performance (i.e., feedback dimension), the literature does not provide many clear examples of how they may impact the feedforward phase. For example, Joshi et al. (2016) consider a feedback form with four fields (i.e., what did you do well, advise the student on what could be done to improve performance, indicate the level of proficiency, and personal details of the tutor). In this case, the supervisor highlighted what the student could improve but not how, which is the missing phase of the co-constructed action plan [ 63 ]. Whichever WBA instrument is used in clerkships to provide feedback, it should include a "next steps" box [ 44 ], and it is recommended to organize a long-term use of the WBA instrument so that those involved get used to it and improve interaction and feedback uptake [ 55 ]. RIME-based feedback (Reporting, Interpreting, Managing, Educating) is considered an interesting example, as it is perceived as helpful to students in knowing what they need to improve in their performance [ 44 ]. Hochberg (2017) implemented formative mid-clerkship assessments to enhance face-to-face feedback conversations and co-create an improvement plan [ 59 ]. Apps for structuring and storing feedback improve the amount of verbal and written feedback. In the study of Joshi et al. (2016), a reasonable proportion of students (64%) perceived that these app tools help them improve their performance during rotations [ 63 ].

Several studies indicate that an action plan as part of the follow-up feedback is essential for performance improvement and learning [ 46 , 55 , 60 ]. An action plan corresponds to an agreed-upon strategy for improving, confirming, or correcting performance. Bing-You et al. (2017) determined that only 12% of the articles included in their scoping review incorporated an action plan for learners [ 32 ]. Holmboe et al. (2004) reported that only 11% of the feedback sessions following a mini-CEX included an action plan [ 60 ]. Suhoyo et al. (2017) also reported that only 55% of mini-CEX encounters contained an action plan [ 80 ]. Other authors reported that action plans are not commonly offered during feedback encounters [ 77 ]. Sokol-Hessner et al. (2010) implemented feedback card comments with a space to provide written feedback and a specific action plan. In their results, 96% contained positive comments, and only 5% contained constructive comments [ 77 ]. In summary, although the recommendation is to include a “next step” box in the feedback instruments, evidence shows these items are not often used for constructive comments or action plans.

Sociocultural factors influencing the organization of feedback processes.

Multiple sociocultural factors influence interaction in feedback encounters, promoting or hampering the productivity of the feedback processes.

Clinical learning culture

Context impacts feedback processes [ 30 , 82 ], and there are barriers to incorporating actionable feedback in the clinical learning context. The clinical learning culture is partly determined by the clinical context, which can be unpredictable [ 29 , 46 , 68 ], as the available patients determine learning opportunities. Supervisors are occupied by a high workload, which results in limited time or priority for teaching [ 35 , 46 , 48 , 55 , 68 , 83 ], hindering students’ feedback-seeking behavior [ 54 ], and creating a challenge for the balance between patient care and student mentoring [ 35 ].

Clinical workplace culture does not always purposefully prioritize instances for feedback processes [ 83 , 84 ]. This often leads to limited direct observation [ 55 , 68 ] and the provision of poorly informed feedback. It is also evident that this affects trust between clinical teachers and students [ 52 ]. Supervisors consider feedback a low priority in clinical contexts [ 35 ] due to low compensation and lack of protected time [ 83 ]. In particular, lack of time appears to be the most significant and well-known barrier to frequent observation and workplace feedback [ 35 , 43 , 48 , 62 , 67 , 83 ].

The clinical environment is hierarchical [ 68 , 80 ] and can make students not consider themselves part of the team and feel like a burden to their supervisor [ 68 ]. This hierarchical learning environment can lead to unidirectional feedback, limit dialogue during feedback processes, and hinder the seeking, uptake, and use of feedback [ 67 , 68 ]. In a learning culture where feedback is not supported, learners are less likely to want to seek it and feel motivated and engaged in their learning [ 83 ]. Furthermore, it has been identified that clinical supervisors lack the motivation to teach [ 48 ] and the intention to observe or reobserve performance [ 86 ].

In summary, the clinical context and WBL culture do not fully use the potential of a feedback process aimed at closing learning gaps. However, concrete actions shown in the literature can be taken to improve the effectiveness of feedback by organizing the learning context. For example, McGinness et al. (2022) identified that students felt more receptive to feedback when working in a safe, nonjudgmental environment [ 67 ]. Moreover, supervisors and trainees identified the learning culture as key to establishing an open feedback dialogue [ 73 ]. Students who perceive culture as supportive and formative can feel more comfortable performing tasks and more willing to receive feedback [ 73 ].

Relationships

There is a consensus in the literature that trusting and long-term relationships improve the chances of actionable feedback. However, relationships between supervisors and students in the clinical workplace are often brief and not organized as more longitudinally [ 68 , 83 ], leaving little time to establish a trustful relationship [ 68 ]. Supervisors change continuously, resulting in short interactions that limit the creation of lasting relationships over time [ 50 , 68 , 83 ]. In some contexts, it is common for a student to have several supervisors who have their own standards in the observation of performance [ 46 , 56 , 68 , 83 ]. A lack of stable relationships results in students having little engagement in feedback [ 68 ]. Furthermore, in case of summative assessment programmes, the dual role of supervisors (i.e., assessing and giving feedback) makes feedback interactions perceived as summative and can complicate the relationship [ 83 ].

Repeatedly, the articles considered in this review describe that long-term and stable relationships enable the development of trust and respect [ 35 , 62 ] and foster feedback-seeking behavior [ 35 , 67 ] and feedback-giver behavior [ 39 ]. Moreover, constructive and positive relationships enhance students´ use of and response to feedback [ 30 ]. For example, Longitudinal Integrated Clerkships (LICs) promote stable relationships, thus enhancing the impact of feedback [ 83 ]. In a long-term trusting relationship, feedback can be straightforward and credible [ 87 ], there are more opportunities for student observation, and the likelihood of follow-up and actionable feedback improves [ 83 ]. Johnson et al. (2020) pointed out that within a clinical teacher-student relationship, the focus must be on establishing psychological safety; thus, the feedback conversations might be transformed [ 62 ].

Stable relationships enhance feedback dialogues, which offer an opportunity to co-construct learning and propose and negotiate aspects of the design of learning strategies [ 62 ].

Students as active agents in the feedback processes

The feedback response learners generate depends on the type of feedback information they receive, how credible the source of feedback information is, the relationship between the receiver and the giver, and the relevance of the information delivered [ 49 ]. Garino (2020) noted that students who are most successful in using feedback are those who do not take criticism personally, who understand what they need to improve and know they can do so, who value and feel meaning in criticism, are not surprised to receive it, and who are motivated to seek new feedback and use effective learning strategies [ 52 ]. Successful users of feedback ask others for help, are intentional about their learning, know what resources to use and when to use them, listen to and understand a message, value advice, and use effective learning strategies. They regulate their emotions, find meaning in the message, and are willing to change [ 52 ].

Student self-efficacy influences the understanding and use of feedback in the clinical workplace. McGinness et al. (2022) described various positive examples of self-efficacy regarding feedback processes: planning feedback meetings with teachers, fostering good relationships with the clinical team, demonstrating interest in assigned tasks, persisting in seeking feedback despite the patient workload, and taking advantage of opportunities for feedback, e.g., case presentations [ 67 ].

When students are encouraged to seek feedback aligned with their own learning objectives, they promote feedback information specific to what they want to learn and improve and enhance the use of feedback [ 53 ]. McGinness et al. (2022) identified that the perceived relevance of feedback information influenced the use of feedback because students were more likely to ask for feedback if they perceived that the information was useful to them. For example, if students feel part of the clinical team and participate in patient care, they are more likely to seek feedback [ 17 ].

Learning-oriented students aim to seek feedback to achieve clinical competence at the expected level [ 75 ]; they focus on improving their knowledge and skills and on professional development [ 17 ]. Performance-oriented students aim not to fail and to avoid negative feedback [ 17 , 75 ].

For effective feedback processes, including feed-up, feedback, and feedforward, the student must be feedback-oriented, i.e., active, seeking, listening to, interpreting, and acting on feedback [ 68 ]. The literature shows that feedback-oriented students are coproducers of learning [ 68 ] and are more involved in the feedback process [ 51 ]. Additionally, students who are metacognitively aware of their learning process are more likely to use feedback to reduce gaps in learning and performance [ 52 ]. For this, students must recognize feedback when it occurs and understand it when they receive it. Thus, it is important to organize training and promote feedback literacy so that students understand what feedback is, act on it, and improve the quality of feedback and their learning plans [ 68 ].

Table 5 summarizes those feedback tasks, activities, and key features of organizational aspects that enable each phase of the feedback loop based on the literature review.

The present scoping review identified 61 papers that mapped the literature on feedback processes in the WBL environments of undergraduate health professions. This review explored how feedback processes are organized in these learning contexts using the feedback loop framework. Given the specific characteristics of feedback processes in undergraduate clinical learning, three main findings were identified on how feedback processes are being conducted in the clinical environment and how these processes could be organized to support feedback processes.

First, the literature lacks a balance between the three dimensions of the feedback loop. In this regard, most of the articles in this review focused on reporting experiences or strategies for delivering feedback information (i.e., feedback dimension). Credible and objective feedback information is based on direct observation [ 46 ] and occurs within an interaction or a dialogue [ 62 , 88 ]. However, only having credible and objective information does not ensure that it will be considered, understood, used, and put into practice by the student [ 89 ].

Feedback-supporting actions aligned with goals and priorities facilitate effective feedback processes [ 89 ] because goal-oriented feedback focuses on students' learning needs [ 7 ]. In contrast, this review showed that only a minority of the studies highlighted the importance of aligning learning objectives and feedback (i.e., the feed-up dimension). To overcome this, supervisors and students must establish goals and agreements before starting clinical practice, as it allows students to measure themselves on a defined basis [ 90 , 91 ] and enhances students' feedback-seeking behavior [ 39 , 92 ] and responsiveness to feedback [ 83 ]. In addition, learning goals should be shared, and co-constructed, through a dialogue [ 50 , 88 , 90 , 92 ]. In fact, relationship-based feedback models emphasize setting shared goals and plans as part of the feedback process [ 68 ].

Many of the studies acknowledge the importance of establishing an action plan and promoting the use of feedback (i.e., feedforward). However, there is yet limited insight on how to best implement strategies that support the use of action plans, improve performance and close learning gaps. In this regard, it is described that delivering feedback without perceiving changes, results in no effect or impact on learning [ 88 ]. To determine if a feedback loop is closed, observing a change in the student's response is necessary. In other words, feedback does not work without repeating the same task [ 68 ], so teachers need to observe subsequent tasks to notice changes [ 88 ]. While feedforward is fundamental to long-term performance, it is shown that more research is needed to determine effective actions to be implemented in the WBL environment to close feedback loops.

Second, there is a need for more knowledge about designing feedback activities in the WBL environment that will generate constructive feedback for learning. WBA is the most frequently reported feedback activity in clinical workplace contexts [ 39 , 46 , 56 , 87 ]. Despite the efforts of some authors to use WBAs as a formative assessment and feedback opportunity, in several studies, a summative component of the WBA was presented as a barrier to actionable feedback [ 33 , 56 ]. Students suggest separating grading from observation and using, for example, the mini-CEX in informal situations [ 33 ]. Several authors also recommend disconnecting the summative components of WBAs to avoid generating emotions that can limit the uptake and use of feedback [ 28 , 93 ]. Other literature recommends purposefully designing a system of assessment using low-stakes data points for feedback and learning. Accordingly, programmatic assessment is a framework that combines both the learning and the decision-making function of assessment [ 94 , 95 ]. Programmatic assessment is a practical approach for implementing low-stakes as a continuum, giving opportunities to close the gap between current and desired performance and having the student as an active agent [ 96 ]. This approach enables the incorporation of low-stakes data points that target student learning [ 93 ] and provide performance-relevant information (i.e., meaningful feedback) based on direct observations during authentic professional activities [ 46 ]. Using low-stakes data points, learners make sense of information about their performance and use it to enhance the quality of their work or performance [ 96 , 97 , 98 ]. Implementing multiple instances of feedback is more effective than providing it once because it promotes closing feedback loops by giving the student opportunities to understand the feedback, make changes, and see if those changes were effective [ 89 ].

Third, the support provided by the teacher is fundamental and should be built into a reliable and long-term relationship, where the teacher must take the role of coach rather than assessor, and students should develop feedback agency and be active in seeking and using feedback to improve performance. Although it is recognized that institutional efforts over the past decades have focused on training teachers to deliver feedback, clinical supervisors' lack of teaching skills is still identified as a barrier to workplace feedback [ 99 ]. In particular, research indicates that clinical teachers lack the skills to transform the information obtained from an observation into constructive feedback [ 100 ]. Students are more likely to use feedback if they consider it credible and constructive [ 93 ] and based on stable relationships [ 93 , 99 , 101 ]. In trusting relationships, feedback can be straightforward and credible, and the likelihood of follow-up and actionable feedback improves [ 83 , 88 ]. Coaching strategies can be enhanced by teachers building an educational alliance that allows for trustworthy relationships or having supervisors with an exclusive coaching role [ 14 , 93 , 102 ].

Last, from a sociocultural perspective, individuals are the main actors in the learning process. Therefore, feedback impacts learning only if students engage and interact with it [ 11 ]. Thus, feedback design and student agency appear to be the main features of effective feedback processes. Accordingly, the present review identified that feedback design is a key feature for effective learning in complex environments such as WBL. Feedback in the workplace must ideally be organized and implemented to align learning outcomes, learning activities, and assessments, allowing learners to learn, practice, and close feedback loops [ 88 ]. To guide students toward performances that reflect long-term learning, an intensive formative learning phase is needed, in which multiple feedback processes are included that shape students´ further learning [ 103 ]. This design would promote student uptake of feedback for subsequent performance [ 1 ].

Strengths and limitations

The strengths of this study are (1) the use of an established framework, the Arksey and O'Malley's framework [ 22 ]. We included the step of socializing the results with stakeholders, which allowed the team to better understand the results from another perspective and offer a realistic look. (2) Using the feedback loop as a theoretical framework strengthened the results and gave a more thorough explanation of the literature regarding feedback processes in the WBL context. (3) our team was diverse and included researchers from different disciplines as well as a librarian.

The present scoping review has several limitations. Although we adhered to the recommended protocols and methodologies, some relevant papers may have been omitted. The research team decided to select original studies and reviews of the literature for the present scoping review. This caused some articles, such as guidelines, perspectives, and narrative papers, to be excluded from the current study.

One of the inclusion criteria was a focus on undergraduate students. However, some papers that incorporated undergraduate and postgraduate participants were included, as these supported the results of this review. Most articles involved medical students. Although the authors did not limit the search to medicine, maybe some articles involving students from other health disciplines needed to be included, considering the search in other databases or journals.

The results give insight in how feedback could be organized within the clinical workplace to promote feedback processes. On a small scale, i.e., in the feedback encounter between a supervisor and a learner, feedback should be organized to allow for follow-up feedback, thus working on required learning and performance goals. On a larger level, i.e., in the clerkship programme or a placement rotation, feedback should be organized through appropriate planning of subsequent tasks and activities.

More insight is needed in designing a closed loop feedback process, in which specific attention is needed in effective feedforward practices. The feedback that stimulates further action and learning requires a safe and trustful work and learning environment. Understanding the relationship between an individual and his or her environment is a challenge for determining the impact of feedback and must be further investigated within clinical WBL environments. Aligning the dimensions of feed-up, feedback and feedforward includes careful attention to teachers’ and students’ feedback literacy to assure that students can act on feedback in a constructive way. In this line, how to develop students' feedback agency within these learning environments needs further research.

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  • Clinical clerkship
  • Feedback processes
  • Feedforward
  • Formative feedback
  • Health professions
  • Undergraduate medical education
  • Undergraduate healthcare education
  • Workplace learning

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thematic analysis in nursing literature review

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  • Published: 26 April 2024

Factors influencing the development of nursing professionalism: a descriptive qualitative study

  • Xingyue He 1 ,
  • Huili Cao 2 ,
  • Linbo Li 1 ,
  • Yanming Wu 1 &
  • Hui Yang 1 , 3  

BMC Nursing volume  23 , Article number:  283 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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The shortage of nurses threatens the entire healthcare system, and nursing professionalism can improve nurse retention and enhance the quality of care. However, nursing professionalism is dynamic, and the factors influencing its development are not fully understood.

A qualitative descriptive study was conducted. Using maximum variation and purposive sampling, 14 southern and northern China participants were recruited. Semi-structured interviews were conducted from May 2022 to August 2023 in face-to-face conversations in offices in the workplace or via voice calls. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed via thematic analysis.

Three main themes emerged: (1) nourishment factors: promoting early sprouting; (2) growth factors: the power of self-activation and overcoming challenges; and (3) rootedness factors: stability and upward momentum. Participants described the early acquisition of nursing professionalism as derived from personality traits, family upbringing, and school professional education, promoting the growth of nursing professionalism through self-activation and overcoming challenges, and maintaining the stable and upward development of nursing professionalism through an upward atmosphere and external motivation.

We revealed the dynamic factors that influence the development of nursing professionalism, including “nourishment factors”, “growth factors”, and “rootedness factors”. Our findings provide a foundation for future development of nursing professionalism cultivation strategies. Nursing administrators can guide the development of nurses’ professionalism from many angles according to the stage they are in, and the development of professionalism deserves more attention. In the future, we can no longer consider the development of nursing professionalism solely as the responsibility of individual nurses; the power of families, organizations, and society is indispensable to jointly promoting nursing professionalism among nurses.

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Introduction

The number of nurses leaving hospitals has been increasing, and the shortage of nurses is a significant problem faced globally [ 1 , 2 ]. According to earlier studies, professionalism improves nurses’ clinical performance [ 3 ] and positively affects their adaptability (Park et al. 2021), reducing nurses’ burnout and turnover rates. Therefore, fostering professionalism in nurses and the factors that influence the development of professionalism are essential to producing effective nurses.

Nurses comprise the largest group of healthcare providers [ 4 ]. Nurses are a vital part of the healthcare system, with 27.9 million caregivers worldwide, according to the World Health Organisation’s Global Status of Nursing Report 2020 [ 5 ]. However, an unbalanced number of nurses and patients, high work pressure, and the fact that nurses face patients’ suffering, grief, and death each day have exacerbated burnout and led to the resignation of many nurses [ 6 ]. The COVID-19 outbreak has further exposed the shortage of nursing staff, especially in low- and middle-income countries where the scarcity of nurses remains acute. The lack of nurses not only has direct negative impacts on patients but also poses a threat to the entire healthcare system.

Nursing professionalism is closely associated with nurse retention and nursing practice [ 7 , 8 , 9 ]. Nursing professionalism is defined as providing individuals care based on the principles of professionalism, caring, and altruism [ 6 ]. As a belief in the profession, nursing professionalism is a systematic view of nursing that represents the practice standards and value orientation nurses utilize [ 10 , 11 ]. According to previous research, nursing professionalism can enhance nurses’ clinical performance and positively impact their adaptability, reducing job burnout and turnover rates [ 6 ]. Furthermore, as nurses are the ones who provide “presence” care, cultivating nursing professionalism among nurses can promote interactions between nurses and patients, further improving the quality of nursing care and patient outcomes and injecting new vitality and hope into the entire healthcare system [ 12 ].

However, nursing professionalism is dynamic, and the cultural context also shapes nursing professionalism to some extent, leading to ambiguity in the factors influencing nursing professionalism. Initially perceived as mere “caregivers,” nurses have transformed into “professional practitioners,” emphasizing the nursing field’s seriousness and distinct professional characteristics [ 13 , 14 ]. Nursing professionalism is also the foundation for developing the nursing profession [ 15 ]. Focusing on the factors influencing the development of nursing professionalism is one of the essential elements in providing an optimal environment for nurses’ professional growth and development in clinical practice [ 16 ]. Although some scales, such as the Hall Professionalism Inventory (HPI) [ 17 ], Miller’s Wheel of Professionalism in Nursing (BIPN) [ 18 ], Hwang’s Nurse Professional Values Scale (NPVS) [ 19 ], and Fantahun’s Nursing Professionalism Questionnaire [ 20 ] have been used to measure factors influencing the awareness, attitudes, and behaviors, they have their limitations. They struggle to encompass professionalism’s multidimensionality and complexity fully, overlook multilayered background factors, are constrained by standardization issues, may not account for individual differences, and often fail to capture dynamic changes over time [ 21 , 22 , 23 ].Compared with quantitative research methods, qualitative research can provide insights into the “unique phenomenology and context of the individual being tested,” which can help the researcher stay close to nurses’ professional lives during the research process and understand the personal, familial, and societal factors that influence nursing professionalism [ 24 ].Additionally, the understanding of nursing professionalism varies across different cultural and social contexts. In Western countries, research on nursing professionalism tends to incorporate professionalism across the entire nursing industry. In contrast, within China, research on professionalism tends to focus more on the individual level, with less attention to the perspectives of groups or the industry [ 25 ]. Therefore, through qualitative research, we can present nursing professionalism in a deeper, more affluent, and more transparent manner. Secondly, it is more authentic to understand the factors influencing nursing professionalism by directly obtaining relevant information from the perspective of nurses through dialogue with research participants as mutual subjects.

Given these considerations, we aim to answer the question of what factors influence the development of nursing professionalism. To provide more targeted strategies and recommendations for optimizing the nursing professional environment, enhancing nurses’ job satisfaction, improving t nursing quality, and contributing sustainably to patients’ and nurses’ health and well-being.

To explore the factors influencing the development of nursing professionalism. By incorporating nurses’ perspectives, we aim to improve our understanding of professionalism as individual, family, and socio-cultural influences. With this knowledge, we can inform strategies for developing nursing professionalism.

Study design

A descriptive qualitative approach was adopted based on naturalistic inquiry [ 26 , 27 ] and analyzed using the thematic analysis method described by Braun and Clarke [ 28 ]. Semi-structured interviews were conducted between May 2022 and August 2023 with nurses in southern and northern China hospitals. Furthermore, the research findings were reported in accordance with the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) (Supplementary Material S1 ) [ 29 ].

Participants and settings

We chose hospital nurses as study participants based on considerations of their nursing experience. Firstly, the Chinese government has implemented a policy of accountable holistic care, whereby registered nurses take on the entire cycle of a patient’s physical, mental, and spiritual care [ 30 ]. Secondly, new nurses must undergo two weeks to one month of basic training and a 12–24 month specialty rotation (for most new nurses who graduated before 2016, their training was completed by their departments). During this time, they are under the supervision of a superior nurse for holistic and responsible care [ 31 ].

We used maximum variance purposive sampling to recruit a heterogeneous sample of information-rich key participants [ 32 ]. Participant selection considered variations in role classification, years of experience, and educational levels of Chinese nurses [ 33 ]. The purposive variation allowed the discovery of Chinese nurses’ unique perceptions of nursing professionalism. Inclusion criteria: (1) registered nurses (providing direct services to patients within the unit), nurse managers (directly supervising and guiding the clinical work of registered nurses), nursing department managers (managing nurse managers throughout the hospital), with at least one year of nursing experience; (2) voluntary participation. Exclusion criteria: (1) nurses not working during the hospital’s study period (holidays, maternity leave, or sick leave); (2) refresher nurses.

Data collection

The same researcher conducted each interview to ensure consistency. Before the interviews, the interviewers systematically conducted in-depth theoretical research on relevant studies. The interviewer received guidance from professors with rich experience in qualitative research and undertook practice interviews to improve her interviewing skills. Interviewers encouraged interviewees to talk freely about their perceptions and used an interview guide (Supplementary Material S2 ), which was based on the findings of previous research on the conceptual analysis of nursing professionalism [ 6 ]. The questions were open-ended and general; ample space was left between questions to respond to interviewees’ comments. Semi-structured interviews began with a brief introduction to the topic (e.g., definition and explanation of nursing professionalism). Although the interviewer had an agenda for discussion, this format allowed the interviewee to deviate from this agenda and direct follow-up questions [ 34 ].

All interviews were conducted from May 2022 to August 2023 in face-to-face conversations in offices in the workplace or via voice calls and lasted between 35 and 94 min. Participants were asked to complete the main demographic questionnaire at the end of the interviews. The researcher recorded participants’ expressions, body language, and pauses during the interviews. Memos written by the researcher during the study were also used as analytical material.

Data analysis

For rigorous qualitative sampling and data saturation, Braun et al. [ 35 ] propose that qualitative researchers require a sample appropriate to the research questions and the theoretical aims of the study and that can provide an adequate amount of data to answer the question and analyze the issue entirely. We reached thematic saturation after 14 interviews when no new codes or themes emerged.

A thematic analysis approach was used, following the phases described by Braun and Clarke [ 28 ]. The analysis comprised six stages: (1) immersing in the data; (2) creating initial codes; (3) identifying themes; (4) reviewing; (5) defining and labeling these themes; and (6) finally, composing the analysis report. Two researchers transcribed and analyzed the textual data. In the first stage, the researchers carefully read the interview transcripts to familiarize themselves with the depth and breadth of the content. In the second stage, preliminary codes were generated based on the research questions, initial interpretation of the data, and discussion of initial emerging patterns. At this stage, ensuring that all actual data extracts were coded and organized within each code was necessary. In addition, the following principles were used as guidelines: (1) code for as many potential themes/patterns as possible; (2) code extracts of data inclusively, i.e., preserve small sections of the surrounding data when relevant; and (3) code individual extracts of data for as many different “themes” as appropriate [ 36 ]. In the third phase, the two authors analyzed the initial codes, sorted them into potential themes, and debated their meanings and emerging patterns to reach a consensus. This phase, which refocused the analysis on the broader level of themes rather than that of codes, involved sorting the different codes into potential themes. In the fourth stage, reviewing themes ensures that the data supports the themes and allows an iterative process between different levels of abstraction without losing grounding in the raw data. Finally, defining the “essence” of each theme during the development of the main themes by identifying the “story” as consistent with the data and the research question while ensuring that the themes did not overlap but still fit together in the overall “story” of the data. It told the “story” by writing analytical narratives with illustrative quotes.

This study achieved credibility by selecting a heterogeneous sample, performing member checks, and taking field notes [ 37 ]. This study ensured dependability by verifying the findings with the researchers and participants, appropriately numbering the direct quotations (e.g., DN1), and comparing the results with the previous literature. This study established confirmability via audit trails [ 38 ] and the comprehensive reporting of all research processes. This study ensured transferability by describing the data collection process and seeking a heterogeneous sample.

Fourteen participants were interviewed (the demographic information is presented in Table  1 ). The thematic analysis identifies three major themes (Fig.  1 ). These interconnected topics illuminate the growth process and factors influencing nursing professionalism. The first theme, “nourishment factors: promoting early sprouting,” includes personal traits, family upbringing, and professional education at school and emphasizes early factors influencing nursing professionalism. The second theme, “growth factors: the power of self-activation and overcoming challenges,” included self-activation and overcoming difficulties, focusing on the dual attributes of the growth process of nursing professionalism. The final theme, “rootedness factors: stability and upward momentum,” includes an upward atmosphere and external motivation and explores the factors that maintain the stability and sustainability of nursing professionalism.

figure 1

Factors influencing the development of nursing professionalism

Nourishment factors: promoting early sprouting

Personal traits.

Personal traits are called “nature” [ 23 ]. There exists a close connection between personal traits and professional behavior. When nurses confront patients’ physiological and emotional needs, innate qualities like kindness and compassion predispose them to be more sensitive to patients’ suffering and needs. Nursing professionalism transcends mere task fulfillment; this inner emotional drive compels nurses to fulfill their duties and engage in nursing work out of a genuine desire and sense of responsibility, practicing the nursing mission nobly. Thus, whether individual traits align with the nursing mission profoundly influences the nursing professionalism of nurses in their work.

“At 32, I became a head nurse, full of vitality and boundless enthusiasm, particularly compassion. I have no idea where this compassion comes from.” (ND1) .

Family upbringing

Education begins in the family, and it is through family education that nurses develop an early sense of professionalism. China has a “family culture” that defines the responsibility of family education. The study participants recalled that in childhood, the “living” nature of family education shaped early professionalism, in which the concepts of “kindness” and “altruism” were acquired through interactions with family members.

“My mother was an early childhood educator, and when she told me fairy tales, it was to promote kindness. Loving others and being selfless, you can’t be a bad person. That’s what altruistic education is about.” (ND1) .

The impact of family education on the acquisition of nursing professionalism extends into adulthood. In Chinese Confucianism and collectivism, family members usually have close emotional ties, and this “strong bond” family structure promotes nurses’ understanding and care for others and their ability to be wiser and more caring in the nursing profession. This strong bonding plays a catalytic role in the emergence of nursing professionalism.

“Some nurses are very adept at expressing care, perhaps because grandparents and parents live together. Since childhood, parents have taught them how to express care.” (N4) .

School professional education

Nursing professionalism is further acquired through professional education in schools. Nursing professional education emphasizes respect and care for patients, adherence to social responsibility, and the integration of traditional Chinese oriental medical thought and Western nursing concepts, internalized into behaviors to form the concept of professional nursing spirit. Participants indicated that the virtues of dedication, responsibility, respect, and caring that permeate school professional education are incorporated by nurses into nursing practice.

“The best nursing comes from the heart. When I was administering injections, I thought about how to alleviate the patient’s pain. Later, I learned that if I entered the needle quickly, it would be less painful, so I often practiced in the operating room.” (N8) .

Other participants also shared that they felt positively guided by professional education at school, constructing a comprehensive nursing philosophy system within the educational context. They realized that nursing is a multidisciplinary field encompassing human care, social responsibility, and ethical values.

“University was my most unforgettable learning experience. I studied 36 courses here, including nursing aesthetics, literature, sociology, ethics, education, etc. I realized that the nursing work we engage in has such rich depth! has become an invaluable treasure in my nursing career.” (ND1) .

Growth factors: the power of self-activation and overcoming challenges

Self-activation, professional benefits.

Professional benefit perception refers to the advantages nurses perceive while engaging in nursing work, acknowledging that their involvement in nursing promotes their holistic personal growth [ 39 ]. Consistent with traditional perspectives, this study finds that nurses generate a sense of professional benefit through both “tangible benefits” and “spiritual benefits,” recognizing the value and significance of nursing work, thereby furthering the development of nursing professionalism.

The dynamic updating achieves “tangible benefits.” Nurses require outstanding professional competence and ongoing continuing education. Participants mentioned that nurses utilize their professional knowledge and clinical experience to save patients’ lives, and exceptional professional competence can rekindle their enthusiasm for work. Continuous and dynamic continuing education, supplementing the latest technology and knowledge in the nursing field, can generate positive professional emotions.

“There’s only one doctor on duty at night, and nurses are the first responders when we encounter emergencies. Even before the doctor arrives in the ward, I must act quickly and urgently. Every time I bring a patient back from the brink of death, I feel excited throughout the night.” (N6) . “Experience is und oubtedly important. I’ve been working for over a decade, and I undergo training every year. No one likes stagnation; we can forge ahead only by continually moving forward.” (NM3) .

Self-worth realization through “spiritual benefits.” Experiencing a sense of value in nursing practice provides nurses with positive reinforcement, enhancing nursing professionalism behavior. Moreover, as healthcare practitioners, the ability of relatives and family members to benefit from it distinguishes Chinese nurses’ unique approach to self-worth realization from nurses in other countries. This unexpected feedback, whether in material or spiritual forms, enables nurses to fulfill their sense of worth.

“Sometimes, friends and relatives ask me about hospitalization-related questions, and I am more than willing to help them.” (N2) . “ I changed my mother’s gastric tube without any complications.” (NM3) .

Professional identity

Nursing professional identity refers to nurses acknowledging their work and affirming their self-worth [ 40 ]. This study defines professional identity as a gradual “process” and a “state.”

One participant mentioned that professional identity is a psychological “process” that nurses develop and confirm their professional roles through their personal experiences. It is closely related to the individual experiences of nurses. Nurses’ gradual recognition of their work prompts them to progress and develop a positive work attitude and professionalism.

“Gradually, I discovered that being a nurse makes me realize my significance, which keeps me moving forward, time and time again.” (ND2) .

Simultaneously, as a “state,” professional identity represents the degree to which nurses identify with the nursing profession. This “state” of professional identity reflects nursing professionalism’s long-term accumulation and formation. It indicates nurses’ long-standing dedication and emotional involvement in nursing, leading to higher professional competence and a sense of responsibility in their work.

“It’s not just a job to make a living; it’s about wholeheartedly identifying with this profession, unleashing one’s potential, which results in better professional conduct.”(N5) .

Overcoming challenges

Balancing roles.

Balancing roles refers to the equilibrium individuals establish between their roles in the nursing profession, family, and organization. Nursing professional roles are inherently multifaceted, and when faced with multiple responsibilities, such as family demands and organizational tasks, nurses must balance these roles. The tension and complexity between personal and organizational roles can potentially inhibit their emotions and professional motivation. However, in China, families are tightly knit, and strong family support can help reconcile this tension.

“To be a good nursing department manager, you need strong family support. The commitment to one’s career and the dedication to family don’t always align. For instance, my job keeps me busy regarding family matters, and I have limited time to care for my children. My parents-in-law take care of them more. I do rounds every Sunday, and the phone never stops ringing, even on my days off. There’s no way around it; this is the role I’ve taken on. Family support allows me to work with peace of mind.” (ND3) .

Adaptation organization

Nurses also face challenges in adapting to organizational systems. These adaptability challenges include rapidly learning new technologies, processes, and the culture of practice in different departments. This “unfamiliarity” impedes the manifestation of nursing professionalism. Participants indicated that the inability to adapt to clinical work quickly affects new graduate nurses’ transition into practice. Initially, there is a “honeymoon period” when becoming a registered nurse, but as actual capabilities do not align with expected performance, the excitement gradually wanes.

“I didn’t know the routine procedures in ophthalmology, I couldn’t measure eye pressure, and I didn’t know how to perform eye injections. I was terrified, which brought various challenges when I started working.” (N4) .

Furthermore, nurses must adapt to the practice culture of “this is how things are done” and “it’s always been done this way” in their workplace. Due to the promotion and title system requirements in Chinese hospitals, nurses with several years of experience often need to rotate through departments such as Intensive Care Unit and emergency for a period. The differences in operations and management between different departments also frustrate these nurses during rotations. However, a certain social prestige is attached, making it challenging for the nurses from the original department to provide direct guidance to the rotating nurses, leading to isolation for the latter in new departments.

“A blank slate regarding the department’s hierarchy, administrative procedures, and so on.” (N3) . “Although there’s a set of procedures, mostly similar, it’s the slight differences that always set me apart.” (N6) .

Rootedness factors: stability and upward momentum

Upward atmosphere, peer support.

Peer support has a positive impact on nursing professionalism. Peers are individuals of the same age group who have formed a connection due to shared experiences in similar socio-cultural environments, with emotional support, mutual assistance, and understanding constituting the core elements of peer support [ 41 ]. Firstly, nursing work often involves highly stressful situations, including heavy workloads, complex patient conditions, and urgent medical cases. Peer support provides emotional support, allowing nurses to find comfort and encouragement when facing stress and difficulties. Secondly, peer support cultivates a positive work atmosphere and team spirit. In a mutually supportive, trusting, and cooperative team, nurses are more likely to experience a sense of accomplishment in their work. They feel they are not isolated but part of a united and collaborative whole. Furthermore, peer support also promotes professional development and knowledge exchange among nurses. In an open and supportive team environment, nurses are more willing to share their experiences and knowledge, learn from each other, and grow.

“The spirit influences the spirit, especially those of my age group who have left a deep impression on me with their admirable qualities in their work. It makes me reflect on my shortcomings in my work and constantly strive to improve and adjust myself.” (N2) .

Intergenerational role models

Inter-generational refers to the relationships between generations [ 42 ]. In nursing practice, inter-generational relationships exist, such as those among nurses of different ages and levels of experience. This study’s inter-generational role models include managerial role models and senior nurses.

Participants believe that managers’ professionalism influences subordinate nurses’ attitudes and performance. The professionalism of managers not only plays a guiding and leadership role in daily work but, more importantly, sets an example, inspiring and encouraging subordinate nurses who are willing to follow and inherit professionalism.

“The department’s leadership has a significant impact on professionalism. When managers have a strong sense of professionalism, the nurses they oversee follow suit. Because leadership represents the management level and higher things, it’s difficult for things at the bottom to go well if it’s not well-controlled at the top.” (N8) .

On the other hand, senior nurses, as role models within the nursing generation, also significantly impact the upward development of professionalism. Senior nurses’ rich experience and professional competence guide new nurses to maintain a rigorous attitude at work. New nurses often draw from and learn senior nurses’ work attitudes and behaviors, catalyzing the elevation of nursing professionalism.

“Senior nurses have a role model effect because new nurses learn from the older ones. If senior nurses work rigorously and new nurses make mistakes or lack a sense of dedication, they will immediately point it out. Over time, you also become more rigorous.” (NM3) .

Perceived professional respect

Societal respect for nursing work creates an atmosphere of care and emphasis on nursing. Nurses within this atmosphere become aware of the importance of nursing work and the profound significance of patient care. They are inclined to exhibit positive nursing professionalism behaviors to meet the expectations of society and the general public.

“The nursing industry has experienced the COVID-19 pandemic, and during the anti-epidemic efforts, nurses were at the forefront, risking their lives to care for patients, receiving acclaim from patients, doctors, and the public.” (N2) .

Professional respect is the manifestation of nurses’ self-acknowledgment of nursing values. It is more than an external acknowledgment; it is an internal affirmation. This mutual respect aligns nurses’ professional and societal worth, catalyzing increased potential and motivation.

External motivation

The stability of nursing professionalism relies on external resources, including the diverse support from nursing managers and the guidance of national healthcare policies. Nursing managers are the frontline leaders who interact with nurses, and their support serves as a management tool and a direct means to sustain nursing professionalism. This multifaceted support encompasses economic incentives such as compensation and reward mechanisms. It extends to non-material motivations such as career advancement opportunities, adequate staffing, modern equipment provision, and fair and equitable treatment form crucial aspects of managerial support. Providing nurses with stable external support creates a space to focus on their professional mission and responsibilities, thus maintaining the stability of nursing professionalism.

“Economic foundation determines the superstructure(spiritual world)).” (NM1) .

Furthermore, the guidance of national healthcare policies serves as a beacon for the development of the nursing profession. At the national level, healthcare policies can regulate the organization and operation of healthcare systems and services, providing nurses with a more stable and favorable working environment. This environment allows nurses to fulfill their professional roles better and maximize their value. The environmental changes brought about by policy guidance offer nurses more favorable professional conditions, effectively promoting the upward development of nursing professionalism.

“Government documents summarize the needs of our society, and nursing will continue to improve in the direction of policy guidance.” (NM3) .

Discussions

This study provides insights for understanding the factors that influence the development of nursing professionalism. We emphasize the themes of early nourishment factors that promote the emergence of nursing professionalism, growth factors associated with self-activation and overcoming challenges, and rootedness factors that stabilize upward, which reveal the dynamic factors that influence the development of nursing professionalism.

We added the early influence of personality traits, family upbringing, and school professional education in the development of nursing professionalism, which is similar to the pathway through which nurses’ foundational values are acquired [ 43 , 44 ]. Building on previous research, we highlight the sequential order of socialization in family education and school professional education, with individual socialization within the family achieving individual socialization before school professional education, emphasizing the importance of intergenerational family transmission on the development of nursing professionalism [ 45 ]. Education commences within the family, a social organization with an educational function. China values its “family culture” and emphasizes defining parental responsibilities for family education based on blood relations. It is a common folk law in China that parents are regarded as the first teachers. In addition, Chinese society promotes Confucianism, which emphasizes instilling the concept of “self-improvement” through “educational living” [ 46 ], as mentioned in our study, the interpersonal interactions such as “altruism” and “caring” arising from family interactions can help nurses establish a deeper emotional connection with their patients. Therefore, future consideration could be given to incorporating programs that foster culture and emotions into professional education. Similar studies are necessary in East Asian countries and other countries with similar cultures to broaden the results of factors influencing nursing professionalism.

The growth of nursing professionalism requires real work scenarios. Our results present the dual factors of nursing professionalism upon entering the workplace. Regarding self-activation factors, we delve into the significance of “professional identity” and, for the first time from the perspective of Chinese collectivism, explain the unique influence of “professional benefits” on nursing professionalism. Our study aligns with previous research, viewing professional identity as an ongoing “process” [ 47 ]. By developing a professional identity, nurses can exhibit “stateful” self-satisfaction and self-motivation, contributing to their job satisfaction and professionalism [ 48 ]. The “professional benefits” involve integrating rational and emotional aspects. The “tangible benefits” of professionalism and technical competence at work lead to positive experiences and emotions among nurses. Nurses voluntarily invest more passion and energy in their work [ 49 ]. In addition, what sets our results apart is how Chinese nurses obtain ‘spiritual benefits,’ which come from the convenience of medical access that their relatives enjoy due to their work. Some studies have shown that “spiritual benefits” are more apparent among nurses aged 40 and above and those with higher professional titles [ 50 ]. The accumulation of clinical experience and the harmonious interpersonal relationships achieved through medical collaboration can help family members access reliable medical resources, leading to greater professional gain. This phenomenon is closely related to the collective consciousness of Chinese nurses, revealing that people are not always “self-interested and rational”; their behavior is influenced by more complex factors such as intuition, emotions, and attitudes [ 49 ].

In terms of the challenges faced, on the one hand, we emphasized the supportive role of intergenerational relationships in nurses’ work-family conflicts. Previous studies have shown that Chinese nurses perceive nursing work as a means to fulfill family responsibilities rather than the ultimate goal, reflecting a prioritization of family over work [ 51 ]. Consequently, nurses are more likely to resign during work-family conflicts, reallocating their resources from work to family [ 52 ]. Compared with previous studies, we found that China is a highly connected society, and multi-generational households are relatively common [ 53 ]. Hence, the importance of maintaining good intergenerational relationships cannot be ignored in Chinese society and culture, substantially impacting nursing professionalism. On the other hand, we reveal the underlying reasons for the restricted development of nursing professionalism among nurses during the transition period. Newly graduated nurses face negative experiences such as incompetence, lack of preparation, exhaustion, and disappointment in their work, hindering the development of nursing professionalism, which is especially evident in departments such as obstetrics and gynecology, ophthalmology, and emergency, where teaching hours for these specialties fall significantly below those for general internal medicine and surgical nursing [ 54 ]. The educational experiences of nurses are insufficient to meet clinical demands [ 55 ]. Moreover, this is compounded by differences in the structure and content of the 12–24 month “standardized training” for new nurses that has already begun in most cities in China, further exacerbating the experience of separation of new nurses from their organizations [ 56 ]. The development of rotational nurses is often neglected, and transfer systems are a mere formality [ 57 ]. Therefore, developing nursing adaptability and creating a supportive work environment should be incorporated into the content and structure of different organizational transition programs to make a positive work environment and promote nurses’ engagement, enhancing nursing professionalism.

It is worth noting that the rootedness factor involves individual, organizational, and societal dimensions. At the personal level, peer support and intergenerational role models integrate the demonstration of actual “peers” and “role models” with nurses’ self-awareness and agency to achieve upward mobility in nursing professionalism [ 58 ]. However, while peer support offers emotional and social cognitive consistency based on age, background, and learning experiences, it may lack experiential depth [ 59 ]. In contrast, intergenerational role models involving a “superior-subordinate” relationship can initially lead to “nurturing” relationships, potentially leading to lateral violence and bullying [ 60 ]. At the organizational level, our findings highlight that professional respect in the workplace is more relevant to nurses’ professionalism than social appraisal. Professional respect is the nurses’ perception of their subjective social status within the profession and an analysis of the social value associated with the nursing profession [ 61 ]. However, nurses are not always respected, especially as insults and disregard from patients, superiors, or physicians can lead to negative emotions, professional burnout, and a desire to quit [ 62 , 63 , 64 ]. Regarding the societal dimension, providing external motivation tailored to nurses’ specific backgrounds and needs is beneficial for the stable development of nursing professionalism. Financial incentives are often considered a common strategy to improve nurses’ motivation and retention in motivation management [ 65 ]. However, the effectiveness of incentives is, more importantly, dependent on the response of nurses after implementation, and it is crucial to understand the needs and preferences of nurses in terms of incentives as well as the level of nurses’ participation in policy development, in addition to material rewards [ 66 , 67 ].Therefore, maintaining the stability of nursing professionalism is therefore complex, and nursing managers should consider ways to deepen peer support and reduce workplace bullying through “intergenerational parenting”, and should develop policies that support nurses, have zero-tolerance for disruptive behaviours, uphold the professional dignity of nurses, and ensure that their voices are heard and valued, which contributes to a more positive, fulfilling, and motivating nursing work environment.

Limitations

Given the persistently low number of men in nursing, all participants recruited for our study were female. However, considering the relatively narrow focus of the research, The purposive variation, and the richness of the generated data, the sample size was deemed sufficient to achieve our objectives. In addition, although the study results reveal dynamic influences on the development of nursing professionalism, they do not differentiate between nurses at different career stages, such as novice and expert nurses. We consider these factors as “common characteristics” for them, intertwined with each other, which can be further clarified in future research.

Conclusions

This study is an important addition to previous research in that we reveal the dynamics of factors that influence the development of nursing professionalism, including the “nourishment factor,” “growth factor,” and “rootedness factor.” Our findings provide contextual factors that can be changed during the development of nursing professionalism and lay the foundation for future strategies to foster nursing professionalism.

Relevance to clinical practice

The findings of this study have important implications for exploring the development of nursing professionalism. Nursing managers can support nurses’ professionalism from various perspectives, depending on the stage of the nurse’s life, such as valuing nurses’ family relationships, focusing on nurses in transition, listening to nurses’ voices, and creating a “magnetic nursing” work environment. These measures will not only positively impact the careers of individual nurses but will also help improve the standard and quality of health care in general. In the future, we should no longer view the development of nursing professionalism as solely the responsibility of individual nurses; the influence of family, organizations, and society is indispensable in collectively promoting the development of nurses’ nursing professionalism.

Data availability

Data used to support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon request.

Abbreviations

The Hall Professionalism Inventory

Miller’s Wheel of Professionalism in Nursing

SHwang’s Nurse Professional Values Scale

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The authors would like to express their gratitude to all participating nurses.

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Xingyue He, Ya Mao, Linbo Li, Yanming Wu & Hui Yang

Department of Nursing, Linfen Hospital Affiliated to Shanxi Medical University (Linfen People’s Hospital), Linfen, 041000, China

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XYH, YM, and HLC were responsible for the study’s inception, study design, and data collection. All authors analyzed the data. XYH wrote the first draft of the manuscript, LBL, YMW, and HY reviewed the manuscript, and HY finalized the final version. All authors reviewed and approved the manuscript prior to submission.

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Correspondence to Hui Yang .

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  • Nursing professionalism
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Breast cancer screening motivation and behaviours of women aged over 75 years: a scoping review

  • Virginia Dickson-Swift 1 ,
  • Joanne Adams 1 ,
  • Evelien Spelten 1 ,
  • Irene Blackberry 2 ,
  • Carlene Wilson 3 , 4 , 5 &
  • Eva Yuen 3 , 6 , 7 , 8  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  256 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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This scoping review aimed to identify and present the evidence describing key motivations for breast cancer screening among women aged ≥ 75 years. Few of the internationally available guidelines recommend continued biennial screening for this age group. Some suggest ongoing screening is unnecessary or should be determined on individual health status and life expectancy. Recent research has shown that despite recommendations regarding screening, older women continue to hold positive attitudes to breast screening and participate when the opportunity is available.

All original research articles that address motivation, intention and/or participation in screening for breast cancer among women aged ≥ 75 years were considered for inclusion. These included articles reporting on women who use public and private breast cancer screening services and those who do not use screening services (i.e., non-screeners).

The Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) methodology for scoping reviews was used to guide this review. A comprehensive search strategy was developed with the assistance of a specialist librarian to access selected databases including: the Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), Medline, Web of Science and PsychInfo. The review was restricted to original research studies published since 2009, available in English and focusing on high-income countries (as defined by the World Bank). Title and abstract screening, followed by an assessment of full-text studies against the inclusion criteria was completed by at least two reviewers. Data relating to key motivations, screening intention and behaviour were extracted, and a thematic analysis of study findings undertaken.

A total of fourteen (14) studies were included in the review. Thematic analysis resulted in identification of three themes from included studies highlighting that decisions about screening were influenced by: knowledge of the benefits and harms of screening and their relationship to age; underlying attitudes to the importance of cancer screening in women's lives; and use of decision aids to improve knowledge and guide decision-making.

The results of this review provide a comprehensive overview of current knowledge regarding the motivations and screening behaviour of older women about breast cancer screening which may inform policy development.

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Introduction

Breast cancer is now the most commonly diagnosed cancer in the world overtaking lung cancer in 2021 [ 1 ]. Across the globe, breast cancer contributed to 25.8% of the total number of new cases of cancer diagnosed in 2020 [ 2 ] and accounts for a high disease burden for women [ 3 ]. Screening for breast cancer is an effective means of detecting early-stage cancer and has been shown to significantly improve survival rates [ 4 ]. A recent systematic review of international screening guidelines found that most countries recommend that women have biennial mammograms between the ages of 40–70 years [ 5 ] with some recommending that there should be no upper age limit [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ] and others suggesting that benefits of continued screening for women over 75 are not clear [ 13 , 14 , 15 ].

Some guidelines suggest that the decision to end screening should be determined based on the individual health status of the woman, their life expectancy and current health issues [ 5 , 16 , 17 ]. This is because the benefits of mammography screening may be limited after 7 years due to existing comorbidities and limited life expectancy [ 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 ], with some jurisdictions recommending breast cancer screening for women ≥ 75 years only when life expectancy is estimated as at least 7–10 years [ 22 ]. Others have argued that decisions about continuing with screening mammography should depend on individual patient risk and health management preferences [ 23 ]. This decision is likely facilitated by a discussion between a health care provider and patient about the harms and benefits of screening outside the recommended ages [ 24 , 25 ]. While mammography may enable early detection of breast cancer, it is clear that false-positive results and overdiagnosis Footnote 1 may occur. Studies have estimated that up to 25% of breast cancer cases in the general population may be over diagnosed [ 26 , 27 , 28 ].

The risk of being diagnosed with breast cancer increases with age and approximately 80% of new cases of breast cancer in high-income countries are in women over the age of 50 [ 29 ]. The average age of first diagnosis of breast cancer in high income countries is comparable to that of Australian women which is now 61 years [ 2 , 4 , 29 ]. Studies show that women aged ≥ 75 years generally have positive attitudes to mammography screening and report high levels of perceived benefits including early detection of breast cancer and a desire to stay healthy as they age [ 21 , 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Some women aged over 74 participate, or plan to participate, in screening despite recommendations from health professionals and government guidelines advising against it [ 33 ]. Results of a recent review found that knowledge of the recommended guidelines and the potential harms of screening are limited and many older women believed that the benefits of continued screening outweighed the risks [ 30 ].

Very few studies have been undertaken to understand the motivations of women to screen or to establish screening participation rates among women aged ≥ 75 and older. This is surprising given that increasing age is recognised as a key risk factor for the development of breast cancer, and that screening is offered in many locations around the world every two years up until 74 years. The importance of this topic is high given the ambiguity around best practice for participation beyond 74 years. A preliminary search of Open Science Framework, PROSPERO, Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews and JBI Evidence Synthesis in May 2022 did not locate any reviews on this topic.

This scoping review has allowed for the mapping of a broad range of research to explore the breadth and depth of the literature, summarize the evidence and identify knowledge gaps [ 34 , 35 ]. This information has supported the development of a comprehensive overview of current knowledge of motivations of women to screen and screening participation rates among women outside the targeted age of many international screening programs.

Materials and methods

Research question.

The research question for this scoping review was developed by applying the Population—Concept—Context (PCC) framework [ 36 ]. The current review addresses the research question “What research has been undertaken in high-income countries (context) exploring the key motivations to screen for breast cancer and screening participation (concepts) among women ≥ 75 years of age (population)?

Eligibility criteria

Participants.

Women aged ≥ 75 years were the key population. Specifically, motivations to screen and screening intention and behaviour and the variables that discriminate those who screen from those who do not (non-screeners) were utilised as the key predictors and outcomes respectively.

From a conceptual perspective it was considered that motivation led to behaviour, therefore articles that described motivation and corresponding behaviour were considered. These included articles reporting on women who use public (government funded) and private (fee for service) breast cancer screening services and those who do not use screening services (i.e., non-screeners).

The scope included high-income countries using the World Bank definition [ 37 ]. These countries have broadly similar health systems and opportunities for breast cancer screening in both public and private settings.

Types of sources

All studies reporting original research in peer-reviewed journals from January 2009 were eligible for inclusion, regardless of design. This date was selected due to an evaluation undertaken for BreastScreen Australia recommending expansion of the age group to include 70–74-year-old women [ 38 ]. This date was also indicative of international debate regarding breast cancer screening effectiveness at this time [ 39 , 40 ]. Reviews were also included, regardless of type—scoping, systematic, or narrative. Only sources published in English and available through the University’s extensive research holdings were eligible for inclusion. Ineligible materials were conference abstracts, letters to the editor, editorials, opinion pieces, commentaries, newspaper articles, dissertations and theses.

This scoping review was registered with the Open Science Framework database ( https://osf.io/fd3eh ) and followed Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) methodology for scoping reviews [ 35 , 36 ]. Although ethics approval is not required for scoping reviews the broader study was approved by the University Ethics Committee (approval number HEC 21249).

Search strategy

A pilot search strategy was developed in consultation with an expert health librarian and tested in MEDLINE (OVID) and conducted on 3 June 2022. Articles from this pilot search were compared with seminal articles previously identified by the members of the team and used to refine the search terms. The search terms were then searched as both keywords and subject headings (e.g., MeSH) in the titles and abstracts and Boolean operators employed. A full MEDLINE search was then carried out by the librarian (see Table  1 ). This search strategy was adapted for use in each of the following databases: Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online (MEDLINE), Web of Science and PsychInfo databases. The references of included studies have been hand-searched to identify any additional evidence sources.

Study/source of evidence selection

Following the search, all identified citations were collated and uploaded into EndNote v.X20 (Clarivate Analytics, PA, USA) and duplicates removed. The resulting articles were then imported into Covidence – Cochrane’s systematic review management software [ 41 ]. Duplicates were removed once importation was complete, and title and abstract screening was undertaken against the eligibility criteria. A sample of 25 articles were assessed by all reviewers to ensure reliability in the application of the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Team discussion was used to ensure consistent application. The Covidence software supports blind reviewing with two reviewers required at each screening phase. Potentially relevant sources were retrieved in full text and were assessed against the inclusion criteria by two independent reviewers. Conflicts were flagged within the software which allows the team to discuss those that have disagreements until a consensus was reached. Reasons for exclusion of studies at full text were recorded and reported in the scoping review. The Preferred Reporting Items of Systematic Reviews extension for scoping reviews (PRISMA-ScR) checklist was used to guide the reporting of the review [ 42 ] and all stages were documented using the PRISMA-ScR flow chart [ 42 ].

Data extraction

A data extraction form was created in Covidence and used to extract study characteristics and to confirm the study’s relevance. This included specific details such as article author/s, title, year of publication, country, aim, population, setting, data collection methods and key findings relevant to the review question. The draft extraction form was modified as needed during the data extraction process.

Data analysis and presentation

Extracted data were summarised in tabular format (see Table  2 ). Consistent with the guidelines for the effective reporting of scoping reviews [ 43 ] and the JBI framework [ 35 ] the final stage of the review included thematic analysis of the key findings of the included studies. Study findings were imported into QSR NVivo with coding of each line of text. Descriptive codes reflected key aspects of the included studies related to the motivations and behaviours of women > 75 years about breast cancer screening.

In line with the reporting requirements for scoping reviews the search results for this review are presented in Fig.  1 [ 44 ].

figure 1

PRISMA Flowchart. From: Page MJ, McKenzie JE, Bossuyt PM, Boutron I, Hoffmann TC, Mulrow CD, et al. The PRISMA 2020 statement: an updated guideline for reporting systematic reviews. BMJ 2021;372:n71. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n71

A total of fourteen [ 14 ] studies were included in the review with studies from the following countries, US n  = 12 [ 33 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 ], UK n  = 1 [ 23 ] and France n  = 1 [ 56 ]. Sample sizes varied, with most containing fewer than 50 women ( n  = 8) [ 33 , 45 , 46 , 48 , 51 , 52 , 55 ]. Two had larger samples including a French study with 136 women (a sub-set of a larger sample) [ 56 ], and one mixed method study in the UK with a sample of 26 women undertaking interviews and 479 women completing surveys [ 23 ]. One study did not report exact numbers [ 50 ]. Three studies [ 47 , 53 , 54 ] were undertaken by a group of researchers based in the US utilising the same sample of women, however each of the papers focused on different primary outcomes. The samples in the included studies were recruited from a range of locations including primary medical care clinics, specialist medical clinics, University affiliated medical clinics, community-based health centres and community outreach clinics [ 47 , 53 , 54 ].

Data collection methods varied and included: quantitative ( n  = 8), qualitative ( n  = 5) and mixed methods ( n  = 1). A range of data collection tools and research designs were utilised; pre/post, pilot and cross-sectional surveys, interviews, and secondary analysis of existing data sets. Seven studies focused on the use of a Decision Aids (DAs), either in original or modified form, developed by Schonberg et al. [ 55 ] as a tool to increase knowledge about the harms and benefits of screening for older women [ 45 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 52 , 54 , 55 ]. Three studies focused on intention to screen [ 33 , 53 , 56 ], two on knowledge of, and attitudes to, screening [ 23 , 46 ], one on information needs relating to risks and benefits of screening discontinuation [ 51 ], and one on perceptions about discontinuation of screening and impact of social interactions on screening [ 50 ].

The three themes developed from the analysis of the included studies highlighted that decisions about screening were primarily influenced by: (1) knowledge of the benefits and harms of screening and their relationship to age; (2) underlying attitudes to the importance of cancer screening in women's lives; and (3) exposure to decision aids designed to facilitate informed decision-making. Each of these themes will be presented below drawing on the key findings of the appropriate studies. The full dataset of extracted data can be found in Table  2 .

Knowledge of the benefits and harms of screening ≥ 75 years

The decision to participate in routine mammography is influenced by individual differences in cognition and affect, interpersonal relationships, provider characteristics, and healthcare system variables. Women typically perceive mammograms as a positive, beneficial and routine component of care [ 46 ] and an important aspect of taking care of themselves [ 23 , 46 , 49 ]. One qualitative study undertaken in the US showed that few women had discussed mammography cessation or the potential harms of screening with their health care providers and some women reported they would insist on receiving mammography even without a provider recommendation to continue screening [ 46 ].

Studies suggested that ageing itself, and even poor health, were not seen as reasonable reasons for screening cessation. For many women, guidance from a health care provider was deemed the most important influence on decision-making [ 46 ]. Preferences for communication about risk and benefits were varied with one study reporting women would like to learn more about harms and risks and recommended that this information be communicated via physicians or other healthcare providers, included in brochures/pamphlets, and presented outside of clinical settings (e.g., in community-based seniors groups) [ 51 ]. Others reported that women were sometimes sceptical of expert and government recommendations [ 33 ] although some were happy to participate in discussions with health educators or care providers about breast cancer screening harms and benefits and potential cessation [ 52 ].

Underlying attitudes to the importance of cancer screening at and beyond 75 years

Included studies varied in describing the importance of screening, with some attitudes based on past attendance and some based on future intentions to screen. Three studies reported findings indicating that some women intended to continue screening after 75 years of age [ 23 , 45 , 46 ], with one study in the UK reporting that women supported an extension of the automatic recall indefinitely, regardless of age or health status. In this study, failure to invite older women to screen was interpreted as age discrimination [ 23 ]. The desire to continue screening beyond 75 was also highlighted in a study from France that found that 60% of the women ( n  = 136 aged ≥ 75) intended to pursue screening in the future, and 27 women aged ≥ 75, who had never undergone mammography previously (36%), intended to do so in the future [ 56 ]. In this same study, intentions to screen varied significantly [ 56 ]. There were no sociodemographic differences observed between screened and unscreened women with regard to level of education, income, health risk behaviour (smoking, alcohol consumption), knowledge about the importance and the process of screening, or psychological features (fear of the test, fear of the results, fear of the disease, trust in screening impact) [ 56 ]. Further analysis showed that three items were statistically correlated with a higher rate of attendance at screening: (1) screening was initiated by a physician; (2) the women had a consultation with a gynaecologist during the past 12 months; and (3) the women had already undergone at least five screening mammograms. Analysis highlighted that although average income, level of education, psychological features or other types of health risk behaviours did not impact screening intention, having a mammogram previously impacted likelihood of ongoing screening. There was no information provided that explained why women who had not previously undergone screening might do so in the future.

A mixed methods study in the UK reported similar findings [ 23 ]. Utilising interviews ( n  = 26) and questionnaires ( n  = 479) with women ≥ 70 years (median age 75 years) the overwhelming result (90.1%) was that breast screening should be offered to all women indefinitely regardless of age, health status or fitness [ 23 ], and that many older women were keen to continue screening. Both the interview and survey data confirmed women were uncertain about eligibility for breast screening. The survey data showed that just over half the women (52.9%) were unaware that they could request mammography or knew how to access it. Key reasons for screening discontinuation were not being invited for screening (52.1%) and not knowing about self-referral (35.1%).

Women reported that not being invited to continue screening sent messages that screening was no longer important or required for this age group [ 23 ]. Almost two thirds of the women completing the survey (61.6%) said they would forget to attend screening without an invitation. Other reasons for screening discontinuation included transport difficulties (25%) and not wishing to burden family members (24.7%). By contrast, other studies have reported that women do not endorse discontinuation of screening mammography due to advancing age or poor health, but some may be receptive to reducing screening frequency on recommendation from their health care provider [ 46 , 51 ].

Use of Decision Aids (DAs) to improve knowledge and guide screening decision-making

Many women reported poor knowledge about the harms and benefits of screening with studies identifying an important role for DAs. These aids have been shown to be effective in improving knowledge of the harms and benefits of screening [ 45 , 54 , 55 ] including for women with low educational attainment; as compared to women with high educational attainment [ 47 ]. DAs can increase knowledge about screening [ 47 , 49 ] and may decrease the intention to continue screening after the recommended age [ 45 , 52 , 54 ]. They can be used by primary care providers to support a conversation about breast screening intention and reasons for discontinuing screening. In one pilot study undertaken in the US using a DA, 5 of the 8 women (62.5%) indicated they intended to continue to receive mammography; however, 3 participants planned to get them less often [ 45 ]. When asked whether they thought their physician would want them to get a mammogram, 80% said “yes” on pre-test; this figure decreased to 62.5% after exposure to the DA. This pilot study suggests that the use of a decision-aid may result in fewer women ≥ 75 years old continuing to screen for breast cancer [ 45 ].

Similar findings were evident in two studies drawing on the same data undertaken in the US [ 48 , 53 ]. Using a larger sample ( n  = 283), women’s intentions to screen prior to a visit with their primary care provider and then again after exposure to the DA were compared. Results showed that 21.7% of women reduced their intention to be screened, 7.9% increased their intentions to be screened, and 70.4% did not change. Compared to those who had no change or increased their screening intentions, women who had a decrease in screening intention were significantly less likely to receive screening after 18 months. Generally, studies have shown that women aged 75 and older find DAs acceptable and helpful [ 47 , 48 , 49 , 55 ] and using them had the potential to impact on a women’s intention to screen [ 55 ].

Cadet and colleagues [ 49 ] explored the impact of educational attainment on the use of DAs. Results highlight that education moderates the utility of these aids; women with lower educational attainment were less likely to understand all the DA’s content (46.3% vs 67.5%; P < 0.001); had less knowledge of the benefits and harms of mammography (adjusted mean ± standard error knowledge score, 7.1 ± 0.3 vs 8.1 ± 0.3; p < 0.001); and were less likely to have their screening intentions impacted (adjusted percentage, 11.4% vs 19.4%; p  = 0.01).

This scoping review summarises current knowledge regarding motivations and screening behaviours of women over 75 years. The findings suggest that awareness of the importance of breast cancer screening among women aged ≥ 75 years is high [ 23 , 46 , 49 ] and that many women wish to continue screening regardless of perceived health status or age. This highlights the importance of focusing on motivation and screening behaviours and the multiple factors that influence ongoing participation in breast screening programs.

The generally high regard attributed to screening among women aged ≥ 75 years presents a complex challenge for health professionals who are focused on potential harm (from available national and international guidelines) in ongoing screening for women beyond age 75 [ 18 , 20 , 57 ]. Included studies highlight that many women relied on the advice of health care providers regarding the benefits and harms when making the decision to continue breast screening [ 46 , 51 , 52 ], however there were some that did not [ 33 ]. Having a previous pattern of screening was noted as being more significant to ongoing intention than any other identified socio-demographic feature [ 56 ]. This is perhaps because women will not readily forgo health care practices that they have always considered important and that retain ongoing importance for the broader population.

For those women who had discontinued screening after the age of 74 it was apparent that the rationale for doing so was not often based on choice or receipt of information, but rather on factors that impact decision-making in relation to screening. These included no longer receiving an invitation to attend, transport difficulties and not wanting to be a burden on relatives or friends [ 23 , 46 , 51 ]. Ongoing receipt of invitations to screen was an important aspect of maintaining a capacity to choose [ 23 ]. This was particularly important for those women who had been regular screeners.

Women over 75 require more information to make decisions regarding screening [ 23 , 52 , 54 , 55 ], however health care providers must also be aware that the element of choice is important for older women. Having a capacity to choose avoids any notion of discrimination based on age, health status, gender or sociodemographic difference and acknowledges the importance of women retaining control over their health [ 23 ]. It was apparent that some women would choose to continue screening at a reduced frequency if this option was available and that women should have access to information facilitating self-referral [ 23 , 45 , 46 , 51 , 56 ].

Decision-making regarding ongoing breast cancer screening has been facilitated via the use of Decision Aids (DAs) within clinical settings [ 54 , 55 ]. While some studies suggest that women will make a decision regardless of health status, the use of DAs has impacted women’s decision to screen. While this may have limited benefit for those of lower educational attainment [ 48 ] they have been effective in improving knowledge relating to harms and benefits of screening particularly where they have been used to support a conversation with women about the value of screening [ 54 , 55 , 56 ].

Women have identified challenges in engaging in conversations with health care providers regarding ongoing screening, because providers frequently draw on projections of life expectancy and over-diagnosis [ 17 , 51 ]. As a result, these conversations about screening after age 75 years often do not occur [ 46 ]. It is likely that health providers may need more support and guidance in leading these conversations. This may be through the use of DAs or standardised checklists. It may be possible to incorporate these within existing health preventive measures for this age group. The potential for advice regarding ongoing breast cancer screening to be available outside of clinical settings may provide important pathways for conversations with women regarding health choices. Provision of information and advice in settings such as community based seniors groups [ 51 ] offers a potential platform to broaden conversations and align sources of information, not only with health professionals but amongst women themselves. This may help to address any misconception regarding eligibility and access to services [ 23 ]. It may also be aligned with other health promotion and lifestyle messages provided to this age group.

Limitations of the review

The searches that formed the basis of this review were carried in June 2022. Although the search was comprehensive, we have only captured those studies that were published in the included databases from 2009. There may have been other studies published outside of these periods. We also limited the search to studies published in English with full-text availability.

The emphasis of a scoping review is on comprehensive coverage and synthesis of the key findings, rather than on a particular standard of evidence and, consequently a quality assessment of the included studies was not undertaken. This has resulted in the inclusion of a wide range of study designs and data collection methods. It is important to note that three studies included in the review drew on the same sample of women (283 over > 75)[ 49 , 53 , 54 ]. The results of this review provide valuable insights into motivations and behaviours for breast cancer screening for older women, however they should be interpreted with caution given the specific methodological and geographical limitations.

Conclusion and recommendations

This scoping review highlighted a range of key motivations and behaviours in relation to breast cancer screening for women ≥ 75 years of age. The results provide some insight into how decisions about screening continuation after 74 are made and how informed decision-making can be supported. Specifically, this review supports the following suggestions for further research and policy direction:

Further research regarding breast cancer screening motivations and behaviours for women over 75 would provide valuable insight for health providers delivering services to women in this age group.

Health providers may benefit from the broader use of decision aids or structured checklists to guide conversations with women over 75 regarding ongoing health promotion/preventive measures.

Providing health-based information in non-clinical settings frequented by women in this age group may provide a broader reach of information and facilitate choices. This may help to reduce any perception of discrimination based on age, health status or socio-demographic factors.

Availability of data and materials

All data generated or analysed during this study is included in this published article (see Table  2 above).

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Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge Ange Hayden-Johns (expert librarian) who assisted with the development of the search criteria and undertook the relevant searches and Tejashree Kangutkar who assisted with some of the Covidence work.

This work was supported by funding from the Australian Government Department of Health and Aged Care (ID: Health/20–21/E21-10463).

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Virginia Dickson-Swift, Joanne Adams & Evelien Spelten

Care Economy Research Institute, La Trobe University, Wodonga, Australia

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Melbourne School of Population and Global Health, Melbourne University, Melbourne, Australia

Carlene Wilson

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Institute for Health Transformation, Deakin University, Burwood, Australia

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VDS conceived and designed the scoping review. VDS & JA developed the search strategy with librarian support, and all authors (VDS, JA, ES, IB, CW, EY) participated in the screening and data extraction stages and assisted with writing the review. All authors provided editorial support and read and approved the final manuscript prior to submission.

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Dickson-Swift, V., Adams, J., Spelten, E. et al. Breast cancer screening motivation and behaviours of women aged over 75 years: a scoping review. BMC Women's Health 24 , 256 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03094-z

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03094-z

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  18. Forensic psychiatric nursing: a literature review and thematic analysis

    Forensic psychiatric nursing: a literature review and thematic analysis of staff-patient interaction J Psychiatr Ment Health Nurs. 2010 May;17(4):359-68. doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2850.2009.01533.x. ... The articles were categorized using a literature matrix and analysed using content analysis. Seventeen quantitative and qualitative research studies ...

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    Thematic analysis involves a process of assigning data to a number of codes, grouping codes into themes and then identifying patterns and interconnections between these themes. 2 Thematic analysis allows for a nuanced understanding of what people say and do within their particular social contexts. Of note, thematic analysis can be used with interviews and focus groups and other sources of data ...

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