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In many lists of colleges, research universities are listed or ranked separately from other schools that focus exclusively on the undergraduate experience, like liberal arts colleges. Why? What's the point?

In this article, I’ll list the main characteristics of research universities, give you some information about what life is like at a few different schools, and help you decide whether a research university is the right choice for you.

What Is a Research University?

As you may have guessed from the name, research universities are universities where the main focus is on the research of professors and graduate students.   These universities may be less oriented towards undergraduate teaching, but they can still provide excellent experiences for students who are willing and able to seek out the resources they offer.

Here are some of the main characteristics of research universities:  

More Interaction with Graduate Students

Since all research universities have graduate programs associated with them, you’ll have more opportunities to interact with grad students as an undergraduate.  This may give you insight into your future or lead to collaboration on research projects conducted by more advanced students.  

State-of-the-Art Research Facilities

The main mission of a research university is to produce new and exciting research, and to do that it needs to provide the best equipment to its students and professors.  This is a big plus for students focused on the hard sciences because large research universities will usually have access to the latest technology.    

Wide Variety of Majors 

Research universities, due to their size and diversity, offer a wide range of majors to students.  Although it’s sometimes more difficult to change your major or create your own major at these universities due to a large bureaucracy, you’ll have lot of choice in the first place.  

Larger Class Sizes with Less Individual Attention

For most research universities, large class sizes, particularly at the introductory level, are common.  You may find yourself in lecture halls with more than 100 students, which means less attention and personalized feedback.

However, most of these large classes are split off into discussion sections taught by graduate students, so you'll get a chance to interact with other students and TAs.  Also, a s you take more advanced classes, class sizes will shrink.  Many of these universities also offer honors programs to qualified students where the environment is more like that of a small college.  

Distinguished Faculty

Research universities attract well-known faculty because of the resources and opportunities they offer.  You'll have the chance to network with very important people in fields that interest you. You may even be able to work side by side with high profile researchers on lab projects and become a coauthor on published research.   

International Reputation

Research universities have better reputations on a global scale than smaller teaching colleges. Since big discoveries and scientific breakthroughs often take place at research universities, they get more recognition abroad than other colleges that might have excellent undergraduate programs but less robust research capabilities.

Advantages for Future Graduate Students

Spending four years as an undergraduate at a research university can give you a leg up in the competition for graduate school admissions.  You can get letters of recommendation from top researchers in your field that will encourage other universities to accept you based on reputation. 

What Is the Student Experience Like?

The learning environment at a research university will be different from  the learning environment at a small college in most cases.  Here are a few examples of research universities along with some details on what the student experience is like. All student quotes are from the  Fiske Guide to Colleges 2015 :

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Learning at MIT is based on research and hands-on experimentation.  Students in electrical engineering and computer science have the option of pursuing a five-year degree , meaning they obtain a masters upon completion of their studies. One student says, “The average MIT student can be characterized as having a passion and singular drive for what they really want in life.” 

The Undergraduate Research Opportunities Program facilitates student/faculty research projects and allows students to earn course credit and stipends for research. There are nine Nobel laureates on the MIT faculty at present.

MIT is home to many, many different research facilities. Currently under construction is a $350 million facility called MIT.nano, which will provide resources for students to do research in the exciting new field of nanotechnology. 

University of Colorado - Boulder

At UC Boulder, the 45,000 square foot Discovery Learning Center has 12 labs where engineering students can work on different technological challenges with high-tech capabilities and video conferencing.  A student says that “professors and graduate student instructors alike have taken a keen interest in students’ progress, success, and learning, making themselves available to students as a valuable resource for extra assistance with class concepts and assignments.” 

Programs such as the Special Undergraduate Enrichment Program and Presidents Leadership Class give high-performing students the ability to stand out from the crowd.  Students say that “It’s such a large, broad campus that just about any sort of student can be found” and  “every student, teacher, and department always has something new and exciting going on. It would be very hard to get bored here.”

Washington University in St. Louis

Students say that Washington University in St. Louis is “a place to grow and learn while having an unbelievably fun time.”  Undergraduates enroll in one of five schools: arts and sciences, architecture, art, business, or engineering , and the University also accommodates interdisciplinary majors and double majors.  

The medical school runs a faculty exchange program with the undergraduate biology department , giving biology majors the opportunity to conduct advanced lab research.  A program called the University Scholars Program allows students to apply for both undergraduate and graduate admission before entering college.

Unlike some research universities, Washington University in St. Louis gives students the chance to have one on one mentoring relationships with impressive faculty members.   According to one student, “one of my classes was a 150-person lecture class, and another was a 12-person seminar...despite these disparate class sizes, I was on a first-name basis with both of the professors.”

Should You Consider a Research University?

You may still be unsure about whether a research university is the right choice for you.  If these characteristics apply to you, you should consider research universities as options in your college search:

You Plan to Go to Grad School

As mentioned above, many research universities have programs that will put you on track for a strong graduate school application or even provide extended five-year programs that allow you to graduate with a masters.  These schools offer a more streamlined path to graduate school considering their reputable faculty and research opportunities. 

You’re Interested in the Sciences

The advanced facilities and resources at research universities will make the most difference to students who are interested in the sciences. Th e most cutting-edge scientific discoveries are occurring at these universities , so you'll have many opportunities to meet people who are leaders in their fields (and even collaborate with them on projects).

Libraries at research universities are excellent, but at most colleges you'll be able to get the resources you’re looking for in the humanities. If you’re interested in science, however, other colleges might not give you access to the same high tech equipment available at research universities. 

You Want to Do Research as an Undergraduate 

It should come as no surprise to you that research universities are the best places to do research!   This goes hand in hand with a desire to continue your education past an undergraduate degree.  If you plan on going on to grad school (particularly in the sciences), you will almost certainly be expected to do research as an undergraduate for your thesis and other projects. 

If you fit these characteristics, a research university may be the right choice for you, but it’s not necessarily the only good choice.  There are many small colleges that will afford you similar opportunities on a slightly smaller scale and may give you more one-on-one time with professors and a stronger advising system.  Students sometimes have to be very independent at research universities since the focus is not explicitly on undergraduate teaching.  However, these schools offer great opportunities to gather hands-on experience in the subject areas that interest you and connect with the brightest minds in any field.

What's Next?

Still trying to decide what type of college you want to attend? One factor you might consider besides a school's research capabilities is its status as a public or private institution. Read this article to find out which is a better fit for you.

If you're thinking of attending a research university, you may be looking at schools that are far from your home town. Learn more about the pros and cons of going to school out of state.

Not sure whether a large university is the right choice for you? Take a look at this article to see whether a big or small college will be a better fit for you.

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Samantha is a blog content writer for PrepScholar. Her goal is to help students adopt a less stressful view of standardized testing and other academic challenges through her articles. Samantha is also passionate about art and graduated with honors from Dartmouth College as a Studio Art major in 2014. In high school, she earned a 2400 on the SAT, 5's on all seven of her AP tests, and was named a National Merit Scholar.

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What is the Difference Between R1 and R2 Universities?

Posted by Shelly Quance on 11/30/22 8:08 AM

At R1 institutions, research study spans the academic spectrum, engaging grad students with research opportunities from the creative arts and humanities to the social sciences and applied sciences.

R1 universities are at the forefront of research and innovation, and they receive federal and/or private funding specifically for their academic research.

The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Higher Education has classified approximately 146 U.S. institutions as having R1 status. In other words, R1 institutions are recognized as the best research universities in the country — and West Virginia University is one of them (and the only R1 institution in the state of West Virginia).

But what is the difference between R1 and R2 universities? Are they really that much different? Is it really worth choosing an R1 institution over one with R2 status? Let's talk about it.

Here's the difference between R1 and R2 universities.

There is a significant difference between the level of research and therefore, academic innovation that comes out of R1 universities as opposed to R2. Here are three specific (and significant) differences you should take note of. 

R1 institutions graduate more doctoral students than R2 institutions.

Research conducted at the graduate level cultivates a more comprehensive and cutting-edge knowledge base. Graduate programs offered at R1 institutions also foster a community that focuses on experimental learning and expands upon research , rather than solely focusing on existing facts in the field. In this way, R1 status universities help graduate students engage in cutting-edge research typically associated with PhD candidates. 

PhD candidates find that conducting research at an R1 institution greatly benefits their academic and professional path because they are actively engaged with the most recent findings coming out of their respective fields. For this reason, R1 institutions actually graduate more doctoral students than any other universities, including R2 status institutions. 

R1 institutions receive significantly more funding than R2 institutions.

R1 institutions are awarded significantly larger amounts of funding in comparison to R2 institutions. R1 institutions are required to have minimum funding of $43.8 million per academic year. R2 institutions have a much lower minimum funding requirement.

And because R1 institutions also employ research-driven faculty who are passionate about research and who are dedicated to staying at the forefront of innovation, most R1 universities actually bring in significantly more than the minimum funding requirement.

For instance, by the end of 2020, WVU's total sponsored expenditures for research funding was $172 million , and by the end of 2021, WVU was granted $203 million in external funding for research and other sponsored programs.

R1 institutions produce more accomplished researchers than R2 institutions.

Graduate students at R1 institutions are investigating new frontiers — looking at what has been discovered and making their own new discoveries.

With a graduate degree from an R1 university, research-driven students can expect to go out and be a leading scholar in their area , and they will be on the forefront of the next generation of people who are discovering great new ideas and changing and shaping the world.

At WVU specifically, you will go through a huge transformation , where you’ll move from being the student to being the professional — and then you’ll be ready to make a mark on the world.

Learn more about WVU's R1 status — connect with us!

At West Virginia University, you have the valuable opportunity of joining one of the best research universities in the United States. At an internationally recognized R1 institution , you will learn with and from a community of driven, research-focused professionals who are making a positive impact across industries.

West Virginia University offers many excellent graduate programs designed to prepare you for a successful career. For a list of current programs, visit our graduate programs page .

As you consider your next academic venture, we invite you to take advantage of a few of our resources:   read more stories ,   subscribe to our podcast , and   visit our resource library   to learn more.

Learn more about obtaining a graduate degree at one of the best research universities in the U.S. — download WVU's Research Collaboration Guide!

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Posted by Shelly Quance

Shelly Quance has spent almost 20 years working in higher education marketing communications. She currently serves as Director for West Virginia University’s Office of Graduate Admissions and Recruitment where she works collaboratively with College leadership to develop, implement, and evaluate creative and effective comprehensive communication and marketing plans to increase graduate student enrollment.

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What is a Research University?

Zach Skillings is the Scholarships360 Newsletter Editor. He specializes in college admissions and strives to answer important questions about higher education. When he’s not contributing to Scholarships360, Zach writes about travel, music, film, and culture. His work has been published in Our State Magazine, Ladygunn Magazine, The Nocturnal Times, and The Lexington Dispatch. Zach graduated from Elon University with a degree in Cinema and Television Arts.

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Research universities are responsible for some of the world’s most exciting scientific breakthroughs. From the development of the internet to current advancements in stem cell research, universities have long been a place of groundbreaking research. In fact, 31% of America’s total research is performed at universities. 

If you’re interested in attending a research university, fortunately there are over 100 schools in the U.S. to choose from. While each of these schools is unique in its own way, they share a lot of similar qualities. In this guide, we’ll break down the defining characteristics of research universities. 

Also see:  Scholarships360 major guides

First of all, what is considered “research”? 

Great question! Throughout high school, you’ve probably conducted various research projects that involve browsing the web and finding scholarly sources related to your topic. That’s definitely a form of research, but you’ll find that research looks a lot different at the university level. 

At universities, research is typically categorized as either basic or applied. The purpose of basic research is to improve our understanding of why or how certain things happen. Below are a few examples of basic research projects:

• Investigating the impact of alcohol consumption on the brain
• Examining if high stress levels make people more aggressive
• Investigating whether a vegetarian diet is healthier than one with meat

This type of research expands our existing knowledge and can even lead to revolutionary changes in the way we think. Basic studies can also provide a foundation for applied research, the purpose of which is to find practical solutions for existing problems. Here’s a few examples of applied research: 

• Investigating how to treat people with insomnia 
• Searching for ways  to make car tires last longer
• Reducing illiteracy rates in teenagers 

A variety of methods are used to conduct both basic and applied research. Projects can involve working in laboratories with expensive equipment, surveying people out in the community, or collecting physical samples out in nature. The point is that research can happen anywhere and focus on anything. 

Also see: Top STEM scholarships

So, what characterizes a research university? 

Now that you have a basic understanding of university-level research, let’s talk about what you can expect if you attend a research university. Below are some of the defining qualities of research universities: 

Research is the top priority 

You guessed it! Emphasis on academic research is what sets these universities apart from other schools. Unlike liberal arts colleges , where student instruction is the main focus, conducting research is the top priority for professors at these schools. Because federal funding is what keeps research universities running, professors are evaluated mainly on the scholarly papers they publish and the research dollars they attract. That doesn’t mean every faculty member is a researcher, but you’ll find that most are actively engaged in research projects. 

Research and internship opportunities for students 

If producing new and exciting research interests you, these schools are the place to do it. While professors rely mainly on graduate students for assistance with research, undergrads can get involved as well. Students can participate in collaborative research with faculty members and may even become co-authors of published papers or co-presenters at conferences. They can also take advantage of state-of-the-art research facilities stocked with the latest equipment. 

Researchers also tend to have great connections and can help their students secure internships and employment opportunities. 

Less emphasis on teaching 

At research universities, faculty members must take on teaching duties in order to support their first priority (research). This dynamic can create an environment in which student instruction takes a backseat to research efforts. For instance, professors often lean heavily on graduate students serving as teaching assistants. Additionally, they may be less focused on things like lesson planning and providing individualized attention to students. 

Opportunity for unique education 

While teaching isn’t the top priority, it’s still entirely possible for students to receive an excellent education at research schools. In fact, there’s a lot of upside for students at a research university. Professors who conduct research generally understand their field better than those who don’t, which means they can explain the material better to students. Faculty members may also be energized by the success of their research and carry that passion into the classroom. Not to mention, courses often incorporate the latest research developments.

Big student bodies and class sizes

Research universities tend to enroll tens of thousands of students, meaning that classes (especially introductory ones) are on the bigger side. If you attend one of these schools, at some point you’ll probably find yourself in a lecture hall alongside at least 100 other students. Students in these classes receive less attention and personalized feedback. However, the good news is that class sizes tend to shrink as you take more advanced courses. 

Large selection of majors

Research universities typically support a big network of faculty members across a wide variety of disciplines. That means students get to choose between a wider range of majors than they would at a smaller school. At the University of Washington, for instance, there are over 180 different majors . Students interested in niche subject areas are more likely to find the major they’re looking for at research universities. 

Interaction with grad students

Another benefit of attending a research university is that undergrads get the chance to interact with graduate students. Grad students can serve as valuable mentors and provide advice regarding career opportunities and graduate school programs. Undergrads may even get the chance to team up with grad students on research projects. 

Advantages for future grad students 

Attending a research university can also give you a leg up in the admissions process for graduate programs and professional schools. Depending on the program, you may be better qualified than students coming from smaller colleges. Plus, getting a letter of recommendation from a well-known researcher can go a long way. 

Also see:  Scholarships360 scholarship search tool

Should I attend a research university? 

Research universities are great institutions for students interested in furthering their knowledge outside the classroom. Research and internship opportunities are usually plentiful, but can come at the cost of quality student instruction. Emphasis on teaching can vary even among research schools, though, so be sure to check with the specific universities you’re considering. If you can, speak with students and faculty members and see what they have to say about the school’s attitude toward teaching. Hopefully then you’ll have a better idea of whether the school is right for you.

Below we’ve listed some of the main pros and cons of research universities: 

Related: How to choose a college

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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA

Admit-a-bull // official admissions blog, what is a research university.

By Jen Carlevatti | Last Updated: Jul 15, 2022

From global positioning systems and magnetic resonance imaging to the nicotine patch and antibiotics, research universities are responsible for some of mankind’s greatest discoveries. But beyond its power as an engine of innovation, what is a research university, and can it provide an ideal environment for an undergraduate student like you?

According to the  Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education , there are just  131 universities   that focus on the highest levels of research. These universities award the most doctoral degrees, receive high levels of federal research dollars, and offer a wide range of bachelor’s degree programs. USF is classified as an R1 doctoral university with very high research activity, a distinction attained by only 2.5 percent of all post-secondary institutions.

Over the years, there have been questions as to whether research universities can fulfill their primary missions and deliver an excellent education for undergraduates. The short answer: Yes, they can, and they do. In fact, undergraduates at research universities have access to exceptional benefits simply not available at other institutions.

Research University Myths vs. Reality

Across the Google-sphere and in mainstream media, opinions abound on the pitfalls awaiting undergraduate students at research universities. Allow us to dispel some of the most common myths:

Myth 1: Teaching is Not a Priority

Have you heard the time-worn nugget that researchers make terrible professors? Don’t believe it. The best researchers also can be top teachers. They’re passionate about their fields, and they carry that energy into the classroom to share with students. In addition, they typically understand their fields better than professors who don’t conduct research, allowing them to better explain the course material.

Myth 2: The Class Sizes are Huge

Afraid you’ll be nothing more than a number? While it’s true that many introductory courses are large, the majority of your courses will not be. For example, USF’s overall student-faculty ratio is 21:1.

In classes that are larger than average, students typically spend two-thirds of their time in lectures with a professor and one-third in a much smaller recitation section headed by a graduate student. These small groups provide an opportunity to clarify confusing subject matter or receive personal assistance with problems or questions.

In addition, many research universities offer admittance into honors colleges housed within the institution. Smaller classes are just one of the perks available to high-achieving students , along with priority registration, faculty advisors, and special housing. When visiting universities , check out the admission requirements for their honors colleges.

Myth 3: Professors Are Never Available

You may need to reach out to your busy professors, but most are happy to answer questions and serve as mentors and role models. These meaningful relationships can lead to networking and research opportunities along with letters of recommendation for graduate school or your first real job.

Why a Research University May Be Your Ideal Fit

Now that we’ve busted some of the common myths surrounding research universities, let’s take a look at the advantages. Here are just a few of the benefits you can look forward to:

Courses That Incorporate the Latest Research

Professors involved in research are in touch with breaking developments in their fields, and they’re likely to include these new discoveries in their courses. This means you’ll have access to cutting-edge knowledge long before everyone else. Consider the alternative: It can take up to 10 years for new academic research to find its way into textbooks!  

More Specialized Majors

Research universities tend to have a larger faculty and a wider range of majors to explore. For example, USF offers more than 200 undergraduate majors and concentrations across our three campuses. In addition, within a single field like biology, research universities tend to offer many subdisciplines like biochemistry, marine biology and biomedical engineering, just to name a few.

Access to State-of-the-Art Facilities

Fans of the Big Bang Theory know that high-level university research requires some fancy equipment and facilities (like an arena for secret-agent laser chess). OK, we’re kidding about the arena, but larger libraries and cutting-edge labs do feature prominently on research campuses, and they’re often paid for courtesy of grants from government agencies, businesses, and other partners. The bottom line: Researchers aren’t the only ones who benefit from high-tech gadgets and facilities. You’ll get to use them, too.

Undergraduate Research Opportunities

The typical college experience is centered on consuming knowledge. At a research university, you’ll have opportunities to create knowledge alongside your professors by participating in undergraduate research. In addition to helping solve some of the world’s problems, undergraduate research looks great on a résumé and can help increase your chances of getting into graduate school or landing a job.

Opportunities to Take Graduate Courses

Considering graduate school? Research universities sometimes allow undergraduates to take graduate courses. These advanced-level courses are a great way to test the waters and decide if graduate school is the right choice after graduation. A research university also often offers the option of an accelerated master’s degree in select fields of study, sometimes called 3+2 programs. In them, you take a combined five years instead of six to earn both a bachelor’s and master’s degree. For instance, USF’s College of Education offers the Science Teaching Accelerated Master’s Program , in which you complete a bachelor’s degree in a science field, plus a master’s in arts in teaching, and you do both in just five years.

Preferential Treatment in Graduate School Admission

In some academic fields, graduate and professional schools prefer candidates from rigorous undergraduate programs at research universities. They tend to be partial to candidates whose professors are well-known researchers in the field, with bonus points if they provide letters of recommendation.

Think a research university may be right for you? Learn more about the opportunities available at the University of South Florida by contacting the Office of Admissions online  or by phone at  813-974-3350 .

About Jen Carlevatti

Jen Carlevatti is the former Associate Director of Communications for USF’s Office of Admissions. Currently, she is a freelance Content Developer for USF’s Office of Innovative Education. She enjoys writing blog articles that empower students and their families to successfully navigate the college admissions and financial aid processes.

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The University of Rochester is one of the top research university in the United States, but what does it mean to be a research university? How is it different than any other university or college?

A research university is a university where the primary responsibility of professors and faculty is to not only teach undergraduate courses but also to conduct and publish research. Research universities tend to be on the larger side, anywhere from 5,000 to 15,000 students. Some common misconceptions about research universities are that they don’t care about teaching undergraduate courses, the professors don’t want to teach, the focus is only on research, there are fewer chances to connect with faculty, and and that it can generally lead to a below-par undergraduate experience.

However, as a student at the University of Rochester, I can tell you that these are far from the truth for students considering research universities.

While research is a top priority for faculty at a research university, faculty are frequently teaching undergraduate classes within their department or are even teaching their own research. Because these topics are something that these professors have dedicated a lot of their life to, they are passionate about not only teaching those courses but also getting as many undergraduates excited about their field as possible. It’s commonly heard that when you ask a professor about their research, be ready to listen for hours. When taking a course that a professor specializes in, it gives undergraduates an opportunity to learn the fundamentals and the cutting-edge updates and innovations in that field. As a result of going to a research university, I have had the pleasure of learning from individuals who are experts in what they teach, something that I might not have gotten if I did not attend a research university.

Now that we have gotten those misconceptions out of the way, here are some reasons/benefits to attending a research university;

1. More majors/minors/concentrations to choose from

Because research universities tend to be on the larger side, there are a variety of faculty and students resulting in more majors and/or minors being offered. Not only are there more majors offered, but these majors are also very refined and specific with different concentrations within the major. This is great both for students who are not sure what they want to focus on and students who have a very particular interest.

2. Getting hands-on experience

Research universities tend to dedicate a lot of real estate to developing the best laboratory and facilities for their faculties projects and endeavors. However, these resources are not just for faculty and graduate students. Big laboratories mean a need for as many helping hands as possible. Undergraduates at research universities have the chance to work with faculty and graduate students on projects that also align with their academic interest. Combining the fundamentals of the classroom with practical exposure is a priceless opportunity for undergraduates. Specifically, at the University of Rochester, undergraduates can get involved in research as early as their first year. Because of the nature of our university, professors are very open and inviting to undergraduate students participating in their research or are even willing to supervise independent studies or projects with the undergraduates.

3. Interested in graduate school, law school, or medical school? Get a head start!

As mentioned above, undergraduates can get research experiences very early in their academic career compared to students at non-research schools. This gives those who plan on applying to graduate school a competitive edge over their competition who might not have research experience or their name listed as a contributor on a paper. Research universities also frequently have in-house programs for undergraduates to formally participate in research over an extended period of time like summer breaks.

These programs can focus on giving undergraduates a sense of what it is really like to have research as a full-time career. In addition to gaining resume-building experience, research universities facilitate a lot of graduate students and undergraduate student interactions through recitations, workshops, or on-campus resources. The opportunity to network with graduate students can help undergraduate students get an idea of what it is like to be a graduate or PhD student. This exposure can be great for students who are trying to decide what their academic and career plans are.

4. Like what your learning? Want to know more? Take graduate courses!

At the University of Rochester, undergraduate students have the option of taking graduate courses as their advanced electives. This allows students to get a more in-depth look at a subject that they are passionate about and again decide if a graduate degree is for them.

5. Want to go international?

Research universities tend to have more name recognition internationally because they are frequently publishing papers or in journals that are viewed by universities across the globe. Faculty and students, both undergraduate and graduate, frequently participate in, present at, and attend conferences in their respective disciplines, which has allowed for the University of Rochester to become a well-known name among other distinguished institutions.

I hope that this post has at least, got you thinking about the possibilities that a research university can hold for you. Whether you decide to attend the University of Rochester or any other institution, I wish you the best of luck in all of your future endeavors.

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The advantage of choosing a research-intensive university.

The research resources available to doctoral students makes a big difference. Here’s what R1, R2, and R3 Carnegie Classifications mean.

You may have seen R1, R2, and R3 classifications come up in your search for doctoral programs. But what do they mean?

Every five years the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education releases classifications for more than 4,500 universities. Doctoral universities are assigned to one of three categories based on a measure of research activity: R1, R2, and R3.

Institutions that awarded at least 20 research and/or scholarship doctoral degrees during the updated year are included in the report. However, universities that awarded professional practice doctoral-level degrees, such as the JD, MD, PharmD, DPT, etc. are not included.

R1 doctoral universities are considered to have the “highest research activity.” R2 universities are considered to have “higher research activity.” Finally, R3 schools have “moderate research.”

Kevin Kinser, an associate professor of educational administration and policy studies at the State University of New York at Albany, also serves on the advisory board of the Carnegie initiative. He told The Washington Post that for many, R1 is considered “sort of the pinnacle of higher education — a shorthand for institutions to identify themselves.”

What Differentiates an R1 School

One of the nation’s top research universities, the University of Pennsylvania has an R1 classification. Penn’s wide breadth of resources facilitate scholarship and collaboration for students and faculty that cross interdisciplinary lines.

Wharton alone has more than 20 research centers and initiatives, and our professors are among the most published faculty of any business school. Many of our doctoral candidates say they came to Wharton for the resources to do groundbreaking research.

Here are just two examples of resources our students use the most:

Wharton Research Data Services (WRDS)

This award-winning research platform and business intelligence tool for over 49,000 corporate, academic, government and nonprofit users at over 400 institutions and more than 30 countries. WRDS is the global gold standard in data management and research.

Prof. Cathy Schrand , Vice Dean of Wharton Doctoral Programs, said, “The fact that the people who create the data are here is super important. I’ve had early access to data before it even becomes available to other subscribers. Universities all over the world have subscriptions to WRDS and to certain elements of it, but we have access to all of it and it’s here on site which does provide an advantage.” Read more about WRDS.

Wharton Behavioral Lab (WBL)

This lab provides a variety of services that support data collection for behavioral research on business-related topics. The primary goal is to enhance the research productivity of Wharton faculty by minimizing the operational costs, both time and money, of conducting research. With the WBL, doctoral students can gather original data through lab experiments and panels, instead of using secondary data created by others. Each year, the lab collects about 23,000 subject hours of data.

Research from WBL can consistently be found in relevant publications such as the Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, the Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, and the Journal of Business Ethics. As of April 2016, there were 18 articles published in various publications from WBL. In 2015, there were 21 published reports. Read more about WBL.

Posted: August 4, 2017

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How the classifications are determined.

First started in 1973, the list evaluates colleges and universities using a specific set of criteria. In 2014, the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching transferred responsibility for the project to IU Bloomington’s Center for Postsecondary Research in the IU School of Education.

They determine the research tier a university falls into based on a scale, which includes:

• research & development (R&D) expenditures in science and engineering;
• R&D expenditures in non-S&E fields;
• S&E research staff (postdoctoral appointees and other non-faculty research staff with doctorates);
• doctoral conferrals in humanities fields, in social science fields, in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) fields, and in other fields (e.g., business, education, public policy, social work).

According to the classification website, “These data were statistically combined using principal components analysis to create two indices of research activity reflecting the total variation across these measures (based on the first principal component in each analysis).”

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10 Reasons to Go to a Research University

With May 1—Decision Day—around the corner, here are a few things to consider.

May 1 is a new holiday on the college calendar: National Candidate Reply Date, also referred to by many as Decision Day. That's the day by which more than 2 million students must decide where to go to college and tell the school of their choice. Some students will be choosing between a college that focuses on teaching and a university that emphasizes research. And many will think that a teaching college would always be the obvious best choice. After all, you're going there to learn, so why wouldn't you go to a college that emphasizes teaching? But there are some real advantages to the research university that might be worth your while to consider. Here are 10:

1. Top researchers can also be top teachers. It's often thought that professors who are serious about their research programs couldn't care less about teaching and/or are lousy teachers. Instead, many researchers carry their passion for the field into the classroom and are inspirational teachers and role models. Also, professors who do research generally understand the field better than ones who don't, so they can explain the material better to students—especially when it comes to more advanced courses and topics. 

2. Courses at research universities often incorporate the latest research . Faculty who are engaged in research are more in touch with breaking developments in their field. And they're more likely to include this material—including discoveries too recent to make it into the textbook—in their classes. This makes for more exciting and up-to-date courses that are a whole lot more interesting than courses that are a remix of what's already in the book. 

[Search our America's Best Colleges rankings .] 

3. The faculty can be more energized . Faculty at research universities are often making genuine discoveries and receiving recognition for their work. Large salaries, prizes, publications in distinguished journals or at prestigious presses, participation in international conferences or workshops: all of these mean prestige to the professor and, simply, feeling good about him or herself. These good feelings can carry over to the classroom when the professor feels genuine excitement and meaning in sharing with the students what he or she has discovered. 

4 . There is the possibility of internships and collaborative research with experts. Studies have shown that some of the best educational experiences for college students take place not in the classroom, but in their interactions with professors outside the classroom, especially in the context of shared research activities. Such collaborative projects provide chances for students to themselves become researchers, and even sometimes coauthors of published papers or copresenters at conferences, either of which is a major feather in anyone's cap. 

5. There tend to be more—and more fine-grained—majors. The large size of the research university may have its drawbacks, but one advantage is a larger faculty and a larger range of disciplines taught. This means that students get a lot more choices of majors. For example, at the University of California—Berkeley , you can choose from more than 300 majors and programs. Moreover, within a single field of inquiry, you'll find many fine-tuned variations: in the biological sciences at Berkeley, you can choose Integrative Biology, Biochemistry, Genetics, Immunology, Cell Biology, and Neurobiology. And then there are more obscure majors, too: you'll find Demography, Epidemiology, Media Studies, Folklore, Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual and Transgender Studies, and Native American Studies. At a small college, on the other hand, you might find only 25 to 30 majors to choose from. Choice is good. 

6. There are state-of-the-art facilities for research publication. Research universities have to provide top facilities so that their faculty can properly accomplish the research required of them. That means that the university has to invest in larger libraries and other equipment needed for research in various fields. In addition, the research faculty are able to, and at most research universities are expected to, win various kinds of grants from government, business and other agencies to pay for research costs. All this benefits the undergraduates who can then have access to the fancy lasers, rapid prototyping machines, or whatever else the faculty is playing with. 

7. You can have contact with graduate students. The fact that research universities devote significant attention to training graduate students is often seen in a very negative light. Some people complain about grad students getting the bulk of faculty attention and, worse, about grad students doing lots of the teaching in undergraduate courses—and being inexperienced, bad teachers to boot. We don't deny that these can be problems. But undergraduate students can benefit from hanging out with grad students. Often grad students are willing to mentor and advise undergraduates about careers, and, yes, graduate school. And their devotion and serious involvement with learning sets a great example for undergrads to follow. 

8. You get a chance to take graduate courses—if you're up to it . For a student who is really interested and serious about a field, there is nothing more rewarding than taking a graduate course. These courses are more advanced and specialized than any undergraduate course, and they give you a taste of what it's like to play in the big leagues. And this can be an opportunity for students to make the critical leap from just mastering a field to actually advancing the field through their own discoveries. 

9. You could get an advantage for admission to graduate and professional schools . Graduate and professional schools tend to think that students from research universities will be better trained than students coming from smaller colleges, especially when the research universities have faculty members who are well known in the field. Graduate and professional schools put extra faith in letters of recommendation that come from professors whose names they know. It's the top researchers in the field who have the best name recognition. 

[Get tips from grad school admissions officials: Business Schools | Law Schools ] 

10. You can network with distinguished and well-placed people in the field . Researchers generally have great connections and can help their students get networked with key players in the field. These days many researchers will take students with them to conferences and introduce them around. This is a great way to get established in a field and launch yourself in a job or career. 

[Read 6 Mistakes New Grads Make in Their First Jobs ] 

One final note: We do not mean to suggest here that no faculty teaching at colleges are engaged in research and that every faculty member at a research university is doing research. There are fantastic researchers who work at colleges, and faculty at research universities who view tenure as their license to loaf. Nevertheless, in general, research universities expect faculty to spend a large portion of their time on research, while colleges generally expect less research.

©2010, Professors' Guide LLC. All rights reserved

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The role of research at universities: why it matters.

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(Photo by William B. Plowman/Getty Images)

Teaching and learning, research and discovery, synthesis and creativity, understanding and engagement, service and outreach. There are many “core elements” to the mission of a great university. Teaching would seem the most obvious, but for those outside of the university, “research” (taken to include scientific research, scholarship more broadly, as well as creative activity) may be the least well understood. This creates misunderstanding of how universities invest resources, especially those deriving from undergraduate tuition and state (or other public) support, and the misperception that those resources are being diverted away from what is believed should be the core (and sole) focus, teaching. This has led to a loss of trust, confidence, and willingness to continue to invest or otherwise support (especially our public) universities.

Why are universities engaged in the conduct of research? Who pays? Who benefits? And why does it all matter? Good questions. Let’s get to some straightforward answers. Because the academic research enterprise really is not that difficult to explain, and its impacts are profound.

So let’s demystify university-based research. And in doing so, hopefully we can begin building both better understanding and a better relationship between the public and higher education, both of which are essential to the future of US higher education.   

Why are universities engaged in the conduct of research?

Universities engage in research as part of their missions around learning and discovery. This, in turn, contributes directly and indirectly to their primary mission of teaching. Universities and many colleges (the exception being those dedicated exclusively to undergraduate teaching) have as part of their mission the pursuit of scholarship. This can come in the form of fundamental or applied research (both are most common in the STEM fields, broadly defined), research-based scholarship or what often is called “scholarly activity” (most common in the social sciences and humanities), or creative activity (most common in the arts). Increasingly, these simple categorizations are being blurred, for all good reasons and to the good of the discovery of new knowledge and greater understanding of complex (transdisciplinary) challenges and the creation of increasingly interrelated fields needed to address them.

It goes without saying that the advancement of knowledge (discovery, innovation, creation) is essential to any civilization. Our nation’s research universities represent some of the most concentrated communities of scholars, facilities, and collective expertise engaged in these activities. But more importantly, this is where higher education is delivered, where students develop breadth and depth of knowledge in foundational and advanced subjects, where the skills for knowledge acquisition and understanding (including contextualization, interpretation, and inference) are honed, and where students are educated, trained, and otherwise prepared for successful careers. Part of that training and preparation derives from exposure to faculty who are engaged at the leading-edge of their fields, through their research and scholarly work. The best faculty, the teacher-scholars, seamlessly weave their teaching and research efforts together, to their mutual benefit, and in a way that excites and engages their students. In this way, the next generation of scholars (academic or otherwise) is trained, research and discovery continue to advance inter-generationally, and the cycle is perpetuated.

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University research can be expensive, particularly in laboratory-intensive fields. But the responsibility for much (indeed most) of the cost of conducting research falls to the faculty member. Faculty who are engaged in research write grants for funding (e.g., from federal and state agencies, foundations, and private companies) to support their work and the work of their students and staff. In some cases, the universities do need to invest heavily in equipment, facilities, and personnel to support select research activities. But they do so judiciously, with an eye toward both their mission, their strategic priorities, and their available resources.

Medical research, and medical education more broadly, is expensive and often requires substantial institutional investment beyond what can be covered by clinical operations or externally funded research. But universities with medical schools/medical centers have determined that the value to their educational and training missions as well as to their communities justifies the investment. And most would agree that university-based medical centers are of significant value to their communities, often providing best-in-class treatment and care in midsize and smaller communities at a level more often seen in larger metropolitan areas.

Research in the STEM fields (broadly defined) can also be expensive. Scientific (including medical) and engineering research often involves specialized facilities or pieces of equipment, advanced computing capabilities, materials requiring controlled handling and storage, and so forth. But much of this work is funded, in large part, by federal agencies such as the National Science Foundation, National Institutes of Health, US Department of Energy, US Department of Agriculture, and many others.

Research in the social sciences is often (not always) less expensive, requiring smaller amount of grant funding. As mentioned previously, however, it is now becoming common to have physical, natural, and social scientist teams pursuing large grant funding. This is an exciting and very promising trend for many reasons, not the least of which is the nature of the complex problems being studied.

Research in the arts and humanities typically requires the least amount of funding as it rarely requires the expensive items listed previously. Funding from such organizations as the National Endowment for the Arts, National Endowment for the Humanities, and private foundations may be able to support significant scholarship and creation of new knowledge or works through much more modest grants than would be required in the natural or physical sciences, for example.

Philanthropy may also be directed toward the support of research and scholarly activity at universities. Support from individual donors, family foundations, private or corporate foundations may be directed to support students, faculty, labs or other facilities, research programs, galleries, centers, and institutes.

Who benefits?

Students, both undergraduate and graduate, benefit from studying in an environment rich with research and discovery. Besides what the faculty can bring back to the classroom, there are opportunities to engage with faculty as part of their research teams and even conduct independent research under their supervision, often for credit. There are opportunities to learn about and learn on state-of-the-art equipment, in state-of-the-art laboratories, and from those working on the leading edge in a discipline. There are opportunities to co-author, present at conferences, make important connections, and explore post-graduate pathways.

The broader university benefits from active research programs. Research on timely and important topics attracts attention, which in turn leads to greater institutional visibility and reputation. As a university becomes known for its research in certain fields, they become magnets for students, faculty, grants, media coverage, and even philanthropy. Strength in research helps to define a university’s “brand” in the national and international marketplace, impacting everything from student recruitment, to faculty retention, to attracting new investments.

The community, region, and state benefits from the research activity of the university. This is especially true for public research universities. Research also contributes directly to economic development, clinical, commercial, and business opportunities. Resources brought into the university through grants and contracts support faculty, staff, and student salaries, often adding additional jobs, contributing directly to the tax base. Research universities, through their expertise, reputation, and facilities, can attract new businesses into their communities or states. They can also launch and incubate startup companies, or license and sell their technologies to other companies. Research universities often host meeting and conferences which creates revenue for local hotels, restaurants, event centers, and more. And as mentioned previously, university medical centers provide high-quality medical care, often in midsize communities that wouldn’t otherwise have such outstanding services and state-of-the-art facilities.

(Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

And finally, why does this all matter?

Research is essential to advancing society, strengthening the economy, driving innovation, and addressing the vexing and challenging problems we face as a people, place, and planet. It’s through research, scholarship, and discovery that we learn about our history and ourselves, understand the present context in which we live, and plan for and secure our future.

Research universities are vibrant, exciting, and inspiring places to learn and to work. They offer opportunities for students that few other institutions can match – whether small liberal arts colleges, mid-size teaching universities, or community colleges – and while not right for every learner or every educator, they are right for many, if not most. The advantages simply cannot be ignored. Neither can the importance or the need for these institutions. They need not be for everyone, and everyone need not find their way to study or work at our research universities, and we stipulate that there are many outstanding options to meet and support different learning styles and provide different environments for teaching and learning. But it’s critically important that we continue to support, protect, and respect research universities for all they do for their students, their communities and states, our standing in the global scientific community, our economy, and our nation.

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What is a land-grant university?

Industrialist John Purdue committed $150,000 to Tippecanoe County’s successful bid to become the site of Indiana’s land-grant university. On May 6, 1869, the Indiana General Assembly officially established the new institution, calling it Purdue University. (Purdue University photo)

Teaching, research, service roles are pillars of the land-grant mission

Purdue University takes its status as a land-grant university seriously.

Type the university’s name into a Google search bar and you’ll see proof in the primary text that links to its homepage: “Purdue University – Indiana’s Land Grant University.”

But what does that mean exactly? What makes Purdue and its 111 land-grant peers – a who’s who of prestigious research universities that include Big Ten members Ohio State, Wisconsin, Michigan State, Illinois, Nebraska, Maryland, Minnesota, Rutgers and Penn State – different from other colleges and universities?

Why do initiatives like Purdue Global and Purdue Polytechnic High Schools (PPHS) fit into Purdue’s land-grant legacy and future?

If you’re a Purdue graduate or student, why should you take pride in the university’s land-grant tradition?

And if you have no connection to Purdue at all, why should you care that these universities even exist?

This is the second chapter in a four-part series that should help answer those questions, sharing why land-grant universities came into existence and how their creation produced countless benefits for the students they educate and the communities they serve.

Our first chapter focuses on Purdue’s tradition of educational opportunity, revealing how the intent behind new initiatives like Purdue Global, Purdue University Online and PPHS is no different from the spirit that drove the university in its earliest days. The remaining chapters will address activities that make Purdue unique among these universities and why flexibility will be important if land-grant institutions are to maintain their prominent position within academia and society.

By sharing these stories, we hope to reveal the through line connecting Purdue’s past to its present, influencing many of the decisions and discoveries that enabled its emergence as one of the nation’s top universities. The driving force is the land-grant directive to teach, conduct research and serve the state of Indiana and beyond.

If you’re a Boilermaker, much of what you love best about Purdue is likely related to this mission in one way or another. That’s why you should care.

Now let’s get to some of those questions:

Why were land-grant universities created?

Simply put, land-grant universities are problem solvers – a defining characteristic that ranks among the primary reasons these institutions were created. They were designed to give working-class Americans their first chance at a college education. And that’s only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to their impact.

When he first proposed land-grant legislation in the 1850s, U.S. Rep. Justin S. Morrill of Vermont aimed to “have learning more widely disseminated,” particularly in two primary areas: agriculture and the mechanic arts ( engineering ).

Morrill and his cohorts observed that American farming productivity lagged behind that of European countries that experienced great success by applying scientific learning to their work. In the same vein, the Civil War-era U.S. lacked a workforce with sufficient training to meet the long-term needs of an increasingly industrialized nation.

“Morrill said, ‘This country is expanding rapidly. We need engineers to build roads. We need engineers to build bridges. We need engineers to build and operate factories. We need people who understand science and agriculture,’” says John Norberg , a Purdue University historian who has written eight books about the university and its people.

The Morrill Act offered states an opportunity to sell plots of federal land, much of which had once been inhabited by Native American tribes. In order to increase U.S. agricultural and engineering expertise, proceeds from these land sales would help fund the creation of universities that emphasized these subjects, as well as military tactics and classical studies.

The universities the legislation spawned – many of which now rank among America’s top public research institutions – went on to surpass even Morrill’s ambitious initial vision through their unique commitment to teaching, research and community engagement.

How does extension make land-grant universities unique?

Land-grant universities distinguish themselves from other institutions by directing their collective brainpower and resources toward research that addresses society’s economic, political or social problems. Then they share what they learn with the public in an effort to identify workable solutions.

We were going to actually take all of (our) knowledge and deliberately extend the opportunity to use it, to learn it, to the whole state of Indiana. More broadly, to the people of the country. Martin Jischke Former Purdue president

“These universities would engage in extending their understanding of these basic and applied research topics, their capacity to teach both practical and liberal education, and extend the impact of the university beyond the students that came to the campuses, and beyond the research that was done by faculty with graduate students that ended up leading to research papers and new theories of how the world works,” says Martin C. Jischke , who as Purdue’s 10th president drove multiple landmark economic development and extension efforts.

“We were going to actually take all of that knowledge and deliberately extend the opportunity to use it, to learn it, to the whole state of Indiana. More broadly, to the people of the country.”

The extension mission was in some ways the most radical portion of the Morrill Act’s design, as it created the foundation for a system that tethered land-grant schools to their constituents. By sharing their expertise with those who could put it into practice, these universities built strong bonds with their communities that were difficult for those outside the land-grant system to replicate.

Additional legislation only strengthened the connection. The Hatch Act of 1887 granted federal funds for states to establish agricultural experiment stations operated by their land-grant institutions. And in 1914, the Smith-Lever Act created a system of cooperative extension services designed to inject land-grant universities’ expertise into communities throughout their states.

Purdue was ahead of the nation on this front, having conducted vital extension work as early as the 1880s. By 1893, Purdue Farmers’ Institutes and short-course training were benefiting Hoosiers in all 92 Indiana counties, establishing the statewide presence that Purdue Extension offices maintain today.

As was the case in most land-grant universities’ earliest days, their extension efforts remain heavily concentrated in agriculture. There are still enormous societal benefits associated with introducing drought-resistant crops ; establishing best practices for livestock, fish and plant breeding; or digitally managing forests – just to name a few ways that Purdue’s College of Agriculture contributes to the general welfare.

In addition, land-grant universities’ modern-day extension work crosses disciplinary boundaries to address a wide range of societal needs. From promoting financial literacy and small-business growth to helping young citizens build leadership skills and healthier bodies, extension outlets quietly provide a wealth of cultural and economic resources that many citizens might not even associate with their state’s land-grant institution.

“All of that is helping people who don’t go to college and think that they aren’t impacted by universities at all, when, in fact, they are,” Norberg says.

How do the research and engagement pillars work in tandem?

Countless Purdue faculty and students have contributed to the university’s reputation as a center for basic research – focused on the advancement of knowledge – as well as applied research that aims to solve specific problems.

Their discoveries have helped surgeons identify malignant cancer cells and remove them during surgery. They’ve created complex organic molecules commonly used to manufacture anything from pharmaceuticals to electronics. They even contributed to Boilermaker astronaut Neil Armstrong’s giant leap : humankind’s first steps on the lunar surface.

Their commitment to knowledge sharing dates back to Purdue’s early years, when George Christie , part-time showman and full-time director of Purdue’s Agricultural Experiment Station, would travel across Indiana, sharing information with those it would benefit most.

A 1909 article in the Indianapolis Star credited Christie and Purdue for Indiana’s increased interest in corn growing, noting that the state had “forged to the front as producer of the best corn in the world” as a result of those efforts.

“My colleagues two generations ahead of me in agronomy , they had exhibits and demonstrations on interurban trains,” says Victor Lechtenberg (PhD agronomy ’71), who joined the Purdue faculty after completing his PhD and later served as dean of agriculture, among other leadership positions. “They would go up and down the railroad in Indiana – and in the fall of the year after the harvest during the winter – and have short courses and one-day workshops and just a whole host of educational programs to try to teach farmers and inform them about the latest information coming out of the research programs at the university.”

The Agricultural Extension exhibit trains weren’t just for the farmers, adds author Angie Klink , who has written extensively about Purdue’s history. They also shared knowledge that would help homemakers in the communities they visited.

“During World War I and World War II, there was rationing going on. It was up to the extension agents to lead a national effort to go out and reeducate,” Klink says. “They’re trying to produce more wheat to send overseas to feed the troops, so that means rationing here and using less wheat. One of the slogans during World War I was, ‘Wheat will win the war.’ So, the women were taught by extension agents how to make potato bread or cornbread, how to use corn and potato rather than wheat because the wheat was so important.”

How has the research process changed?

As society evolved, so too did the partnerships that initiated many landmark research projects.

Research support frequently comes from government bodies like the National Institutes of Health , Department of Defense or National Science Foundation , but it just as likely might originate with an industry partner. The research might help that company provide a better product or service, or it might help the researcher build a business around their new creation. This development expanded land-grant universities’ economic impact and ushered in a new era of entrepreneurial research.

Some people say entrepreneurship shouldn’t be part of the land grant, but it absolutely should be because it’s how we make the biggest impact. Karen Plaut Glenn W. Sample Dean, Purdue College of Agriculture

At Purdue, the nonprofit Purdue Research Foundation helps manage and license Purdue’s intellectual property and assists in economic development and technology transfer.

“There’s more entrepreneurship now,” says Karen Plaut , Glenn W. Sample Dean of the College of Agriculture. “Before, it was more giving technology and ideas away because in society you could operate that way. Now, if you have a major innovation, you have to build it into a business to get it out to those it can benefit the most. Some people say entrepreneurship shouldn’t be part of the land grant, but it absolutely should be because it’s how we make the biggest impact.”

Indeed, corporate involvement is often an essential ingredient that helps translate innovation into practice, says George Wodicka , Vincent P. Reilly Professor in Purdue’s Weldon School of Biomedical Engineering, who led the program for 23 years.

“Oftentimes, companies have substantial product development capabilities since they manufacture at scale. This is where we partner up,” Wodicka says. “There’s just a tremendous amount of back-and-forth collaboration that maybe wouldn’t be obvious yet is essential to bring discoveries to market. Land-grant institutions have an inherent translational edge over many other types of institutions. We’ve built a productive academic-industry ecosystem with long-standing company partners that help us fulfill our mission to improve lives.”

Wodicka observes that Purdue is ahead of the curve when it comes to establishing these types of research partnerships – just one of the many ways that the university is a leader among its land-grant brethren.

David Ching

After attending a journalism workshop at summer camp, David started a school paper in fourth grade. At the time, he covered school skits and kickball games but he eventually fulfilled his dream as a professional sportswriter covering college sports for ESPN. Now, he leverages his storytelling skills to share compelling narratives from across campus.

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What is undergraduate research, what is research.

Research across disciplines is the  systematic production of new knowledge . The process often includes the following:

• Developing a research question(s);
• Identifying where the research question(s) fits within existing knowledge, often accomplished through a literature review;
• Designing the method of investigating the question and securing the appropriate permissions to conduct your research;
• Collecting and analyzing data/materials, drawing conclusions from that analysis;
• Writing about, presenting and publishing your findings.

You can read more about how "research" is defined nationally by the  NSF/OECD Frascati Manual  (an applicable definition across disciplines and fields)  here .

What is undergraduate research and creative inquiry?

In keeping with national definitions, CCRF defines undergraduate research as follows: 

Undergraduate research is a scholarly or creative investigation that contributes to the systematic production of new knowledge; it is a meaningful activity undertaken with the guidance of a faculty member or other research mentor(s) and is used to enrich the College academic curriculum and student experience through enhanced critical thinking skills and a greater understanding of a chosen discipline(s) and its methodologies.

CCRF joins the  Council on Undergraduate Research  in their endorsement of scholarship by Drs. Jeffrey M. Osborn and Kerry K. Karukstis who argue that four common threads must run through  every undergraduate research activity  on any campus:

• Mentorship.  A serious, collaborative interaction between the faculty mentor and student, in which the student is intellectually engaged in the scholarly problem or project
• Originality.  The student makes a meaningful and authentic contribution to the scholarly problem or project, and the work must be entirely or partially novel
• Acceptability.  Employing techniques and methodologies that are appropriate and recognized by the discipline with a problem or project that includes a reflective and synthetic component
• Dissemination.  Includes a final tangible product for which both the process and results are peer-reviewed, juried, or judged in a manner consistent with disciplinary standards

The term “undergraduate research” encompasses faculty- or discipline-expert directed scholarly research activities and creative endeavors.  CCRF recognizes that these experiences may range from historical scholarship, curatorial research, and laboratory experiences to music composition, creative writing, dramaturgy and data analysis in the social sciences. 

Undergraduate Research at Vanderbilt

What is undergraduate research, the council for undergraduate research defines undergraduate research as “an inquiry or investigation conducted by an undergraduate student that makes an original intellectual or creative contribution to the discipline.”.

Though many people falsely assume that only professors or graduate students are involved in research, in reality research is integrated into many of our undergraduate academic courses and is featured as the capstone experience in a number of majors. Undergraduate research runs the gamut from biology research in a laboratory to music performance at a senior honors recital. While “research” may conjure images of white lab coats or stacks of leather bound library books, creative activities expand the definition of research to a modern and interdisciplinary realm. From 2D artwork to live performances to artistic historical investigations, many Vanderbilt students expand their academic experiences to a stage, a gallery, or popular media. Many of our undergraduate students also conduct interdisciplinary research across majors, fields, and schools.

Research can also take place in many places and at many times. Vanderbilt offers an exceptional number of opportunities for undergraduate students to do research over the summer, but many students also partake in research right alongside their classwork in Fall and Spring semesters. And although many students do research right here at Vanderbilt, many students also travel to other universities, other cities, other countries, or are supported by types of institutions like government laboratories or privately owned corporations and foundations. Finally, students are not limited by class year, as students from all four years regularly partake in research.

Samples of recent undergraduate research projects and creative activities include:

-Examining the relationship between speech patterns and language in music

-Traveling to New York City to study performing art as a form of activism

-Measuring lung cancer cell growth and drug response in different tissue environments

-Comparing the acoustic properties of speech for preschool students who stutter and those who do not

-Studying corruption in Latin America to predict the public’s acceptance of a military coup

-Working on an archaeological dig in Peru

-Assisting a visiting art professor build bikes with battery powered stereos

-Using an unpublished 15th century book from the Vanderbilt library collection to see how the text and images support women’s devotions in the Middle Ages

-Shadowing and analyzing the behavior of school principles in different school settings

-Creating and updating Wikipedia articles for the Vanderbilt Library Special Collections

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Your chance of acceptance, your chancing factors, extracurriculars, private research university: what does it mean.

Hello, friends! I came across the term 'private research university' while researching colleges. Honestly, I'm a bit confused about what that means and how it differs from other types of universities. Can anyone here explain what a private research university is? I'd appreciate it! :)

Hello! Great question. A private research university is an institution that is primarily focused on conducting research in a wide range of disciplines and is funded mainly through private donations and endowments, rather than government funding. They usually have a higher focus on graduate studies compared to undergraduate education, but this doesn't mean they don't have a strong undergraduate presence.

The main difference between private research universities and public universities is funding and governance. Public universities are funded by the state government and have smaller endowments in comparison. In general, private research universities might have a better student-to-faculty ratio and offer a wider variety of resources available due to their stronger financial situations.

Some examples of private research universities include Stanford University, Harvard University, and Yale University. It's worth looking into each school individually to determine which one aligns with your interests and preferences. Best of luck with your college search!

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Definition of university

Examples of university in a sentence.

These examples are programmatically compiled from various online sources to illustrate current usage of the word 'university.' Any opinions expressed in the examples do not represent those of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Send us feedback about these examples.

Word History

Middle English universite , from Anglo-French université , from Medieval Latin universitat-, universitas , from Latin universus

14th century, in the meaning defined at sense 1

Phrases Containing university

• anti - university
• go to university
• inter - university
• pre - university
• state university

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“University.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary , Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/university. Accessed 24 Apr. 2024.

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Ola has left Australia. What does it mean for the future of ridesharing in Australia?

Written by Neil Sipe Honorary Professor of Planning

Indian rideshare giant Ola has announced that it will  abruptly cease operations  in Australia, New Zealand and the UK.

A competitor to Uber, the company had been operating in Australia since 2018 and served most of our major cities – Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Gold Coast, Adelaide, Canberra and Perth.

Ola versus Uber wasn’t exactly a David and Goliath story. In India, Ola dominates the rideshare market, with revenues three times greater than Uber’s. But its international takings have always been far more modest. Now, preparing to list on India’s stock exchanges, the company says its international withdrawal reflects a  reassessment of priorities .

For Australia, there will now be less competition in an already concentrated market. Ola had been our  third-largest  rideshare provider after Uber and Didi.

But Uber remains in a league of its own, with annual revenue more than 45 times that of Didi. Is Australia’s rideshare market now destined to become a monopoly?

Read more:  Uber has settled a class action lawsuit for $270 million – what was it accused of?

Under pressure at home

Some have argued  that Ola’s business model has increasingly been under pressure in India, its largest and most important market.

Like many other ridesharing companies, the company took a  big hit  during the pandemic.

But it has also  struggled to attract and retain drivers . Many Ola drivers in India can also work for hyperlocal delivery services such as Zomato, Swiggy and Dunzo, which can be done with a bike instead of a car. With similar earnings potential and lower operating costs, for many, running deliveries is a more attractive option than driving Ola.

A  second issue has arisen  from Ola’s inevitable price increases. To first establish itself in the market, the company had offered huge discounts to encourage ridership. When these discounts ceased, Ola became far less competitive, prompting some users to buy a car or use carpooling apps instead.

With rival Uber  continuing to apply pressure  on Ola’s market share in India, it makes sense the company would simplify operations and shift its focus home.

Impact on Australia

Ola’s departure represents further concentration in Australia’s rideshare market. Prior to it,  seven ridesharing companies  were operating here: Uber, Didi, Ola, Shebah, InDrive, Bolt and GoCatch. This was down from a peak of 11 firms operating in 2022.

Uber continues to dominate the Australian market,  accounting for 80%  of all rides in 2023.

Uber’s Australian rideshare revenue  in 2023 – A$646 million – dwarfed that of its nearest rivals Didi (A$14.3 million) and Ola (A$7.1 million) combined.

Uber’s heavy venture capital backing – more than  US$24 billion  (A$37 billion) globally since its founding in 2010 – has helped it secure a strong footing. Ola, in comparison, has raised just over  US$4 billion  (A$6.2 billion).

Such strong venture capital backing has allowed Uber to survive despite earning no profits from its ridesharing operations until last year.

Uber looks increasingly unassailable

Because of Uber’s sheer size, and its recent  move into profitability , it has the resources to innovate and further cement its hold on the Australian market.

Some of its recent initiatives include providing rides in hybrid or electric vehicles ( Uber Green ),  working cooperatively with public transport operators , and venturing into the  tour group business .

But Uber also has the resources to withstand class action lawsuits. One such lawsuit was filed in Victoria by 8,000 taxi and hire-car drivers impacted by Uber’s move into the Australian market.

Last month, just prior to the scheduled start of the trial, Uber agreed to a settlement of  A$271.8 million , the fifth-largest class action settlement in Australian history.

Another lawsuit brought by the taxi-booking app GoCatch  accuses Uber of trying to put GoCatch out of business  by identifying and recruiting GoCatch’s drivers.

Winner takes all

Despite these legal challenges, there is little doubt that Uber will continue to dominate the Australian ridesharing market. And that market will continue to expand. Projections suggest that ridesharing company revenues will grow by more than  2% annually  over the next four years.

In the near future, we could well see the number of Australian rideshare operators continue to fall.

That doesn’t mean Australians will stop using ridesharing. But with less competition, the cost of doing so could rise.

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the  original article .

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Bird Flu Is Infecting More Mammals. What Does That Mean for Us?

• Published Apr 23, 2024

H5N1, an avian flu virus, has killed tens of thousands of marine mammals, and infiltrated American livestock for the first time. Scientists are working quickly to assess how it is evolving and how much of a risk it poses to humans.

In her three decades of working with elephant seals, Dr. Marcela Uhart had never seen anything like the scene on the beaches of Argentina’s Valdés Peninsula last October.

It was peak breeding season; the beach should have been teeming with harems of fertile females and enormous males battling one another for dominance. Instead, it was “just carcass upon carcass upon carcass,” recalled Dr. Uhart, who directs the Latin American wildlife health program at the University of California, Davis.

H5N1, one of the many viruses that cause bird flu, had already killed  at least 24,000  South American sea lions along the continent’s coasts in less than a year. Now it had come for elephant seals.

Pups of all ages, from newborns to the fully weaned, lay dead or dying at the high-tide line. Sick pups lay listless, foam oozing from their mouths and noses.

Dr. Uhart called it “an image from hell.”

In the weeks that followed, she and a colleague — protected head to toe with gloves, gowns and masks, and periodically dousing themselves with bleach — carefully documented the devastation. Team members stood atop the nearby cliffs, assessing the toll with drones.

What they found was staggering: The virus had killed  an estimated 17,400 seal pups , more than 95 percent of the colony’s young animals.

The catastrophe was the latest in a bird flu epidemic that has whipped around the world since 2020, prompting authorities on multiple continents to kill poultry and other birds by the millions. In the United States alone, more than  90 million birds  have been culled in a futile attempt to deter the virus.

There has been no stopping H5N1. Avian flu viruses tend to be picky about their hosts, typically sticking to one kind of wild bird. But this one has rapidly infiltrated an astonishingly wide array of birds and  animals, from  squirrels and skunks to bottlenose dolphins, polar bears and, most recently, dairy cows.

“In my flu career, we have not seen a virus that expands its host range quite like this,” said Troy Sutton, a virologist who studies avian and human influenza viruses at Penn State University.

about:blank

Dec. 2021  The H5N1 bird flu virus is  detected on a farm  in St. John’s, Newfoundland, and in a sick wild gull nearby. Hundreds of birds on the farm died, and the rest were culled. It is the first detection of the virus in North America.

Migrating shorebirds may have  carried the virus  from Europe to Newfoundland through Iceland or Greenland. Or seabirds that congregate in the north Atlantic Ocean might have carried the virus ashore when they returned to Newfoundland to breed.

Jan. 2022  The virus is first detected in the United States, in wild birds in North and South Carolina.

Summer 2022  Hundreds of  harbor seals and gray seals  die along the  coast of Maine  and along the  St. Lawrence Estuary  in Quebec. The seals may have been infected by living near or eating sick and dead birds.

Fall 2022  After months moving west across the United States and Canada, the virus spreads south into Mexico and  Colombia , most likely by migrating birds carrying it down the Pacific Flyway.

Nov. 2022  The virus reaches Peru, causes a  mass die-off  of pelicans along the coast, and begins to spread to other birds and marine mammals. Confirmed samples are shown as dots.

Early 2023  Thousands of sea lions die in Peru and Chile, the  earliest known  mass sea lion deaths from the virus. The virus  continues spreading  down the Chilean coast towards Cape Horn.

Late 2023  The virus rounds Cape Horn and moves north into Argentina and Uruguay, killing sea lions and seals and eventually reaching southern Brazil.

Oct. 2023  The virus also  spreads south , entering the Antarctic region for the first time. Birds on the island of South Georgia are infected, followed in January by  elephant seals and fur seals . Seabirds on the Falklands Islands are also infected.

The blow to sea mammals, and to dairy and poultry industries, is worrying enough. But a bigger concern, experts said, is what these developments portend: The virus is adapting to mammals, edging closer to spreading among people.

A human pandemic is by no means inevitable. So far at least, the  changes in the virus  do not signal that H5N1 can cause a pandemic, Dr. Sutton said.

Still, he said, “We really don’t know how to interpret this or what it means.”

Marine mortalities

A highly pathogenic strain of H5N1 was identified in 1996 in domestic waterfowl in China. The next year, 18 people in Hong Kong became infected with the virus, and six died. The virus then went silent, but it  resurfaced in Hong Kong  in 2003. Since then, it has caused dozens of outbreaks in poultry and affected more than 800 people who were in close contact with the birds.

All the while, it continued to evolve.

The version of H5N1 currently racing across the world emerged in Europe in 2020 and spread quickly to Africa and Asia. It killed scores of farmed birds, but unlike its predecessors it also spread widely among wild birds and into many other animals.

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Most infections of mammals were probably “dead-end” cases: a fox, perhaps, that ate an infected bird and died without passing on the virus. But a few larger outbreaks suggested that H5N1 was capable of more.

The first clue came in the summer of 2022, when the virus killed hundreds of seals  in New England  and  Quebec . A few months later, it infiltrated  a mink farm in Spain .

In the mink, at least, the most likely explanation was that H5N1 had adapted to spread among the animals. The scale of the outbreaks in sea mammals in South America underscored that probability.

“Even intuitively, I would think that mammal-to-mammal transmission is very likely,” said Malik Peiris, a virologist and expert in bird flu at the University of Hong Kong.

After it was first detected in South America, in birds in Colombia in October 2022, the virus swept down the Pacific coast to Tierra del Fuego, the southernmost tip of the continent, and up the Atlantic coast.

Along the way, it killed hundreds of thousands of seabirds, and tens of thousands of sea lions, in  Peru ,  Chile , Argentina,  Uruguay  and  Brazil.  The sea lions behaved erratically, experiencing convulsions and paralysis; pregnant females miscarried  their fetuses .

“What happened when the virus moved to South America we had never seen before,” Dr. Uhart said.

Exactly how and when the virus jumped to marine mammals is unclear, but the sea lions most likely came into  close contact with infected birds  or contaminated droppings. (Although fish make up the bulk of sea lions’ diet, they do sometimes eat birds.)

At some point, it’s likely the virus evolved to spread directly among the marine mammals: In Argentina, the sea lion deaths did not coincide with the mass mortality of wild birds.

“This could suggest that the infection source was not the infected birds,” said Dr. Pablo Plaza, a wildlife veterinarian at the National University of Comahue and National Scientific and Technical Research Council in Argentina.

It is not hard to imagine how the virus might disperse in these animals: Elephant seals and sea lions both breed in colonies, crowding together on beaches where they fight, mate and bark at one another. Elephant seals  sneeze  all day, dispersing large droplets of mucus each time they do.

It is difficult to prove exactly how and when the virus moved from one species to another. But genetic  analysis supports  the theory the marine mammals acquired their infections from one another, not birds. Samples of virus isolated from sea lions in Peru and Chile and from the elephant seals in Argentina all share about 15 mutations not seen in the birds; the same mutations were also  present in a Chilean man  who was infected last year.

There are  numerous opportunities  for H5N1 to jump from sea mammals into people. One sick male elephant seal that sat for a day and a half on a public beach in Argentina turned out to carry enormous amounts of virus. In Peru, scientists collected samples from sea lion carcasses that lay alongside families enjoying a beach day.

Scavenging animals, such as dogs, could also pick up the virus from an infected carcass and then spread it more broadly: “None of the wildlife exists in their little silos,” said Wendy Puryear, a virologist at Tufts University who studied the New England seal outbreaks.

In some South American countries, apart from a few carcasses that were buried, the rest have remained on the beaches, rotting and scavenged upon.

“How do you even scale up to remove 17,000 dead bodies out in the middle of nowhere, places where you can’t even bring down machinery, and humongous cliffs?” Dr. Uhart said.

A mutating pathogen

Flu viruses are adept at picking up new mutations; when two types of flu virus infect the same animal, they can shuffle their genetic material and generate new versions.

It is unclear exactly how, and how much, the H5N1 virus has changed since it first emerged. One study last year showed that after the virus entered the United States, it quickly  mixed with other flu viruses  circulating here and morphed into various versions — some mild, others causing severe neurological symptoms.

“So now after 20 years of reassortment, you have a virus that actually does extraordinary well in a whole variety of avian and mammal species,” said Vincent Munster, a virologist at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases who has studied the mutations needed for H5N1 to adapt to people.

Every new species that harbors the virus creates opportunities for H5N1 to continue to evolve, and to jump into people.

And the virus may stumble across mutations that no one has yet considered, allowing it to breach the species barrier. That is what happened in the 2009 swine flu outbreak.

That virus did not have the mutations thought to be needed to infect people easily. Instead, “it had these other mutations that no one knew about or thought about before then,” said Louise Moncla, an evolutionary biologist who studies avian influenza at the University of Pennsylvania.

Still, even if the virus jumps to people, “we may not see the level of mortality that we’re really concerned about,” said Seema Lakdawala, a virologist at Emory University. “Preexisting immunity to seasonal flu strains will provide some protection from severe disease.”

What happens next

The U.S. is prepared for an influenza pandemic, with some stockpiled vaccines and antivirals, but its efforts at monitoring the virus may not pick it up quickly enough to deploy those tools.

It took several weeks before farmers, and then officials, knew that H5N1 was circulating in dairy cows.

The dairy farm outbreak has resulted in only one mild human infection, but farms are fertile ground for the virus to jump species — from cat to cow to pig and human, in any order.

Many scientists worry in particular about pigs, which are susceptible to both human and avian flu strains, providing the perfect mixing bowl for viruses to swap genes. Pigs are slaughtered when very young, and newer generations, with no prior exposure to flu, are particularly vulnerable to infections.

So far, H5N1 does not seem adept at infecting pigs, but that could change as it acquires new mutations.

“I never let my kids go to a state fair or animal farm, I’m one of those parents,” Dr. Lakdawala said. “And it’s mostly because I know that the number of interactions that we increase with animals, the more opportunities there are.”

Should H5N1 adapt to people, federal officials will need to work together and with their international counterparts. Nationalism, competition and bureaucracy can all slow down the exchange of information that is crucial in a developing outbreak.

In some ways, the current spread among dairy cows is an opportunity to practice the drill, said Rick Bright, the chief executive of Bright Global Health, a consulting company that focuses on improving responses to public health emergencies. But the U.S. Agriculture Department is requiring only voluntary testing of cows, and is not as timely and transparent with its findings as it should be, he said.

Dr. Rosemary Sifford, the department’s chief veterinarian, said the staff there were working hard to share information as quickly as they can. “This is considered an emerging disease,” she said.

Government leaders are typically cautious, wanting to see more data. But “given the rapid speed at which this can spread and the devastating illness that it can cause if our leaders are hesitant and don’t pull the right triggers at the right time, we will be caught flat-footed once again,” Dr. Bright said.

“If we don’t give it the panic but we give it the respect and due diligence,” he added, alluding to the virus, “I believe we can manage it.”

Apoorva Mandavilli  is a reporter focused on science and global health. She was a part of the team that won the 2021 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for coverage of the pandemic.  More about Apoorva Mandavilli

Emily Anthes  is a science reporter, writing primarily about animal health and science. She also covered the coronavirus pandemic.  More about Emily Anthes READ 279 COMMENTS

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What does South Africa’s struggle heritage mean after 30 years of democracy?

Thirty years after democracy, South Africans should not be bickering about culture and consumption. We should be considering what political conditions we have so easily bought into at the expense of our past, writes Duane Jethro, a lecturer in the Department of African Studies and Linguistics at the University of Cape Town (UCT).

One of my favourite statues is the one of Nelson Mandela at the Sandton City shopping centre in Johannesburg. Larger than life, its oversized bronze shoes shimmer in the evening light, polished by the hands of many passersby who crowd around to take pictures with it. At the entrance of a square in the mall, it’s a jovial image of the former South African president in a lively jive: a decidedly odd juxtaposition of a liberation fighter at a site of luxury retail.

One message it seems to convey is the celebration of the commercial riches brought about by post-apartheid freedom. The statue invites us to consider the uncomfortable ambiguity of an armed political struggle for freedom with luxury consumption. And to consider what exactly South Africans are buying into with struggle heritage commemoration after 30 years of democracy.

It especially challenges the country to think about what freedom really means today. Freedom Day on 27 April recognises the full political agency of all South Africans, commemorating not only the first democratic elections in 1994, but also the freedom to vote.

Apartheid was a racist system of political and spatial exclusion and dehumanisation that was resisted by political and popular social movements. It is referred to as the struggle for freedom, or simply “the struggle”. It ushered in political freedom but also associated liberties such as freedom of expression, information and property ownership. On paper these are to be celebrated. But in practice they can clash in awkward ways, especially when it comes to thinking about what appropriate ways of commemorating struggle history are relative to what it means to be free.

As a scholar of heritage and contested public cultures, I am intrigued by the complicated links between cultural heritage and capitalist exchange. It seems that, after 30 years of democracy, struggle heritage in South Africa has ever more been recruited to conceal the gap between the reality of an economically unequal and unjust present rather than serve as an critical reminder about the freedoms and equality aspired for during the apartheid past.

One example we can look at is the ongoing debacle of a proposed auction of Mandela’s personal effects. It reveals a clash of the values of the struggle for democracy, the authority of the state and the freedom to express individual agency.

Mandela’s daughter Makaziwe Mandela has argued successfully in court that the objects belong to the family, who are free to dispose of the collection as they wish. The state has, at great cost, consistently failed to persuade judges that items such as Mandela’s identity document, shoes and hearing aid are of national heritage significance. The state’s persistence shows a narrow, conservative concept of heritage value and its assumed authority over all of it.

The irony of struggle heritage, in this case, as the dancing Mandela statue may well signify, is that heritage is negotiated and not fixed. In a democratic dispensation heritage is that which is negotiated in disputes between individuals who enjoy the freedom of property rights, the state and often the market. This type of dispute and adjudication occurs the world over – look at museum objects appropriated during colonial times, for example.

Shopping malls

But this is just one example of how commerce, culture and heritage mix in rather strange and sometimes unsettling ways in post-apartheid South Africa. These examples can sometimes challenge assumptions about the meaning of “the struggle” and what it is to be free.

For example, shopping malls are increasingly the place where many valued cultural expressions of the struggle for freedom and democracy come to rest. Take the Long March to Freedom exhibition. Conceived and initiated by Dali Tambo , a former talk show host and the son of liberation leader Oliver Tambo , it features a procession of life-sized sculptures of leading figures in South Africa’s centuries-long journey to democracy.

Built at enormous cost, the project toured the nation and came home to the Canal Walk shopping centre 20km outside Cape Town. At a cost of R20 per adult (excluding parking), families can now immerse themselves in history, take pictures with anti-colonial and anti-apartheid heroes and learn about the past as they wander among the lifelike statues marching in static unison outside the mall.

A line of jewellery

“Struggle history” and its material culture is ever more available for sale. And its consumption is increasingly portrayed as patriotic.

Take the Legacy Collection , a line of innovative fashion accessories. The prison on Robben Island was where Mandela and other activists were incarcerated during apartheid. Designer Charmaine Taylor uses original pieces of the Robben Island fence – the very barricade used to imprison political prisoners – to create gold and silver jewellery. The high-end pieces, which celebrate “South Africa’s peaceful road to democracy”, retail for hundreds of dollars. As the website puts it , “individuals wearing this collection physically carry the story of the triumph of the human spirit”. Wearing the jewellery is portrayed as being a commemorative act of pride.

There is something absurd, even abhorrent, about wearing jewellery made from the Robben Island fence, or visiting a statue procession at a mall. It suggests a fundamental break in the relationship between the past that is represented by such objects – one of struggle, sacrifice for justice and equality – and the racialised, deeply unequal material conditions South Africans finds themselves in today.

Strange entanglements

Recognising these strange entanglements – which exist the world over – takes us beyond the false opposition between commerce and commemoration. It flags a set of deeper contradictions that I think the Mandela statue in Sandton Square gestures at. That is: struggle heritage has increasingly been recruited to mask the discrepancy between the unsettling material inequalities and contradictions in our society that it is meant to call attention to. Political freedom was not a harbinger of economic justice and restitution for the majority.

Duane Jethro , Lecturer Department of African Studies and Linguistics, University of Cape Town.

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What It Means To Be Asian in America

The lived experiences and perspectives of asian americans in their own words.

Asians are the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the United States. More than 24 million Americans in the U.S. trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

The majority of Asian Americans are immigrants, coming to understand what they left behind and building their lives in the United States. At the same time, there is a fast growing, U.S.-born generation of Asian Americans who are navigating their own connections to familial heritage and their own experiences growing up in the U.S.

In a new Pew Research Center analysis based on dozens of focus groups, Asian American participants described the challenges of navigating their own identity in a nation where the label “Asian” brings expectations about their origins, behavior and physical self. Read on to see, in their own words, what it means to be Asian in America.

Table of Contents

Introduction, this is how i view my identity, this is how others see and treat me, this is what it means to be home in america, about this project, methodological note, acknowledgments.

No single experience defines what it means to be Asian in the United States today. Instead, Asian Americans’ lived experiences are in part shaped by where they were born, how connected they are to their family’s ethnic origins, and how others – both Asians and non-Asians – see and engage with them in their daily lives. Yet despite diverse experiences, backgrounds and origins, shared experiences and common themes emerged when we asked: “What does it mean to be Asian in America?”

In the fall of 2021, Pew Research Center undertook the largest focus group study it had ever conducted – 66 focus groups with 264 total participants – to hear Asian Americans talk about their lived experiences in America. The focus groups were organized into 18 distinct Asian ethnic origin groups, fielded in 18 languages and moderated by members of their own ethnic groups. Because of the pandemic, the focus groups were conducted virtually, allowing us to recruit participants from all parts of the United States. This approach allowed us to hear a diverse set of voices – especially from less populous Asian ethnic groups whose views, attitudes and opinions are seldom presented in traditional polling. The approach also allowed us to explore the reasons behind people’s opinions and choices about what it means to belong in America, beyond the preset response options of a traditional survey.

The terms “Asian,” “Asians living in the United States” and “Asian American” are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

“The United States” and “the U.S.” are used interchangeably with “America” for variations in the writing.

Multiracial participants are those who indicate they are of two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Asian). Multiethnic participants are those who indicate they are of two or more ethnicities, including those identified as Asian with Hispanic background.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, or other U.S. territories.

Immigrant refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. The terms “immigrant,” “first generation” and “foreign born” are used interchangeably in this report.  

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” describes the population of about 22 million people living in the United States who trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. The term was popularized by U.S. student activists in the 1960s and was eventually adopted by the U.S. Census Bureau. However, the “Asian” label masks the diverse demographics and wide economic disparities across the largest national origin groups (such as Chinese, Indian, Filipino) and the less populous ones (such as Bhutanese, Hmong and Nepalese) living in America. It also hides the varied circumstances of groups immigrated to the U.S. and how they started their lives there. The population’s diversity often presents challenges . Conventional survey methods typically reflect the voices of larger groups without fully capturing the broad range of views, attitudes, life starting points and perspectives experienced by Asian Americans. They can also limit understanding of the shared experiences across this diverse population.

Across all focus groups, some common findings emerged. Participants highlighted how the pan-ethnic “Asian” label used in the U.S. represented only one part of how they think of themselves. For example, recently arrived Asian immigrant participants told us they are drawn more to their ethnic identity than to the more general, U.S.-created pan-ethnic Asian American identity. Meanwhile, U.S.-born Asian participants shared how they identified, at times, as Asian but also, at other times, by their ethnic origin and as Americans.

Another common finding among focus group participants is the disconnect they noted between how they see themselves and how others view them. Sometimes this led to maltreatment of them or their families, especially at heightened moments in American history such as during Japanese incarceration during World War II, the aftermath of 9/11 and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. Beyond these specific moments, many in the focus groups offered their own experiences that had revealed other people’s assumptions or misconceptions about their identity.

Another shared finding is the multiple ways in which participants take and express pride in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds while also feeling at home in America, celebrating and blending their unique cultural traditions and practices with those of other Americans.

This focus group project is part of a broader research agenda about Asians living in the United States. The findings presented here offer a small glimpse of what participants told us, in their own words, about how they identify themselves, how others see and treat them, and more generally, what it means to be Asian in America.

Illustrations by Jing Li

Publications from the Being Asian in America project

• Read the data essay: What It Means to Be Asian in America
• Watch the documentary: Being Asian in America
• Explore the interactive: In Their Own Words: The Diverse Perspectives of Being Asian in America
• View expanded interviews: Extended Interviews: Being Asian in America
• About this research project: More on the Being Asian in America project
• Q&A: Why and how Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups with Asian Americans

One of the topics covered in each focus group was how participants viewed their own racial or ethnic identity. Moderators asked them how they viewed themselves, and what experiences informed their views about their identity. These discussions not only highlighted differences in how participants thought about their own racial or ethnic background, but they also revealed how different settings can influence how they would choose to identify themselves. Across all focus groups, the general theme emerged that being Asian was only one part of how participants viewed themselves.

The pan-ethnic label ‘Asian’ is often used more in formal settings

“I think when I think of the Asian Americans, I think that we’re all unique and different. We come from different cultures and backgrounds. We come from unique stories, not just as a group, but just as individual humans.” Mali , documentary participant

Many participants described a complicated relationship with the pan-ethnic labels “Asian” or “Asian American.” For some, using the term was less of an active choice and more of an imposed one, with participants discussing the disconnect between how they would like to identify themselves and the available choices often found in formal settings. For example, an immigrant Pakistani woman remarked how she typically sees “Asian American” on forms, but not more specific options. Similarly, an immigrant Burmese woman described her experience of applying for jobs and having to identify as “Asian,” as opposed to identifying by her ethnic background, because no other options were available. These experiences highlight the challenges organizations like government agencies and employers have in developing surveys or forms that ask respondents about their identity. A common sentiment is one like this:

“I guess … I feel like I just kind of check off ‘Asian’ [for] an application or the test forms. That’s the only time I would identify as Asian. But Asian is too broad. Asia is a big continent. Yeah, I feel like it’s just too broad. To specify things, you’re Taiwanese American, that’s exactly where you came from.”

–U.S.-born woman of Taiwanese origin in early 20s

Smaller ethnic groups default to ‘Asian’ since their groups are less recognizable

Other participants shared how their experiences in explaining the geographic location and culture of their origin country led them to prefer “Asian” when talking about themselves with others. This theme was especially prominent among those belonging to smaller origin groups such as Bangladeshis and Bhutanese. A Lao participant remarked she would initially say “Asian American” because people might not be familiar with “Lao.”

“​​[When I fill out] forms, I select ‘Asian American,’ and that’s why I consider myself as an Asian American. [It is difficult to identify as] Nepali American [since] there are no such options in forms. That’s why, Asian American is fine to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Nepalese origin in late 20s

“Coming to a big country like [the United States], when people ask where we are from … there are some people who have no idea about Bhutan, so we end up introducing ourselves as being Asian.”

–Immigrant woman of Bhutanese origin in late 40s

But for many, ‘Asian’ as a label or identity just doesn’t fit

Many participants felt that neither “Asian” nor “Asian American” truly captures how they view themselves and their identity. They argue that these labels are too broad or too ambiguous, as there are so many different groups included within these labels. For example, a U.S.-born Pakistani man remarked on how “Asian” lumps many groups together – that the term is not limited to South Asian groups such as Indian and Pakistani, but also includes East Asian groups. Similarly, an immigrant Nepalese man described how “Asian” often means Chinese for many Americans. A Filipino woman summed it up this way:

“Now I consider myself to be both Filipino and Asian American, but growing up in [Southern California] … I didn’t start to identify as Asian American until college because in [the Los Angeles suburb where I lived], it’s a big mix of everything – Black, Latino, Pacific Islander and Asian … when I would go into spaces where there were a lot of other Asians, especially East Asians, I didn’t feel like I belonged. … In media, right, like people still associate Asian with being East Asian.”

–U.S.-born woman of Filipino origin in mid-20s

Participants also noted they have encountered confusion or the tendency for others to view Asian Americans as people from mostly East Asian countries, such as China, Japan and Korea. For some, this confusion even extends to interactions with other Asian American groups. A Pakistani man remarked on how he rarely finds Pakistani or Indian brands when he visits Asian stores. Instead, he recalled mostly finding Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese items.

Among participants of South Asian descent, some identified with the label “South Asian” more than just “Asian.” There were other nuances, too, when it comes to the labels people choose. Some Indian participants, for example, said people sometimes group them with Native Americans who are also referred to as Indians in the United States. This Indian woman shared her experience at school:

“I love South Asian or ‘Desi’ only because up until recently … it’s fairly new to say South Asian. I’ve always said ‘Desi’ because growing up … I’ve had to say I’m the red dot Indian, not the feather Indian. So annoying, you know? … Always a distinction that I’ve had to make.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in late 20s

Participants with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds described their own unique experiences with their identity. Rather than choosing one racial or ethnic group over the other, some participants described identifying with both groups, since this more accurately describes how they see themselves. In some cases, this choice reflected the history of the Asian diaspora. For example, an immigrant Cambodian man described being both Khmer/Cambodian and Chinese, since his grandparents came from China. Some other participants recalled going through an “identity crisis” as they navigated between multiple identities. As one woman explained:

“I would say I went through an identity crisis. … It’s because of being multicultural. … There’s also French in the mix within my family, too. Because I don’t identify, speak or understand the language, I really can’t connect to the French roots … I’m in between like Cambodian and Thai, and then Chinese and then French … I finally lumped it up. I’m just an Asian American and proud of all my roots.”

–U.S.-born woman of Cambodian origin in mid-30s

In other cases, the choice reflected U.S. patterns of intermarriage. Asian newlyweds have the highest intermarriage rate of any racial or ethnic group in the country. One Japanese-origin man with Hispanic roots noted:

“So I would like to see myself as a Hispanic Asian American. I want to say Hispanic first because I have more of my mom’s culture in me than my dad’s culture. In fact, I actually have more American culture than my dad’s culture for what I do normally. So I guess, Hispanic American Asian.”

–U.S.-born man of Hispanic and Japanese origin in early 40s

Other identities beyond race or ethnicity are also important

Focus group participants also talked about their identity beyond the racial or ethnic dimension. For example, one Chinese woman noted that the best term to describe her would be “immigrant.” Faith and religious ties were also important to some. One immigrant participant talked about his love of Pakistani values and how religion is intermingled into Pakistani culture. Another woman explained:

“[Japanese language and culture] are very important to me and ingrained in me because they were always part of my life, and I felt them when I was growing up. Even the word itadakimasu reflects Japanese culture or the tradition. Shinto religion is a part of the culture. They are part of my identity, and they are very important to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Japanese origin in mid-30s

For some, gender is another important aspect of identity. One Korean participant emphasized that being a woman is an important part of her identity. For others, sexual orientation is an essential part of their overall identity. One U.S.-born Filipino participant described herself as “queer Asian American.” Another participant put it this way:

“I belong to the [LGBTQ] community … before, what we only know is gay and lesbian. We don’t know about being queer, nonbinary. [Here], my horizon of knowing what genders and gender roles is also expanded … in the Philippines, if you’ll be with same sex, you’re considered gay or lesbian. But here … what’s happening is so broad, on how you identify yourself.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 20s

Immigrant identity is tied to their ethnic heritage

Participants born outside the United States tended to link their identity with their ethnic heritage. Some felt strongly connected with their ethnic ties due to their citizenship status. For others, the lack of permanent residency or citizenship meant they have stronger ties to their ethnicity and birthplace. And in some cases, participants said they held on to their ethnic identity even after they became U.S. citizens. One woman emphasized that she will always be Taiwanese because she was born there, despite now living in the U.S.

For other participants, family origin played a central role in their identity, regardless of their status in the U.S. According to some of them, this attitude was heavily influenced by their memories and experiences in early childhood when they were still living in their countries of origin. These influences are so profound that even after decades of living in the U.S., some still feel the strong connection to their ethnic roots. And those with U.S.-born children talked about sending their kids to special educational programs in the U.S. to learn about their ethnic heritage.

“Yes, as for me, I hold that I am Khmer because our nationality cannot be deleted, our identity is Khmer as I hold that I am Khmer … so I try, even [with] my children today, I try to learn Khmer through Zoom through the so-called Khmer Parent Association.”

–Immigrant man of Cambodian origin in late 50s

Navigating life in America is an adjustment

Many participants pointed to cultural differences they have noticed between their ethnic culture and U.S. culture. One of the most distinct differences is in food. For some participants, their strong attachment to the unique dishes of their families and their countries of origin helps them maintain strong ties to their ethnic identity. One Sri Lankan participant shared that her roots are still in Sri Lanka, since she still follows Sri Lankan traditions in the U.S. such as preparing kiribath (rice with coconut milk) and celebrating Ramadan.

For other participants, interactions in social settings with those outside their own ethnic group circles highlighted cultural differences. One Bangladeshi woman talked about how Bengalis share personal stories and challenges with each other, while others in the U.S. like to have “small talk” about TV series or clothes.

Many immigrants in the focus groups have found it is easier to socialize when they are around others belonging to their ethnicity. When interacting with others who don’t share the same ethnicity, participants noted they must be more self-aware about cultural differences to avoid making mistakes in social interactions. Here, participants described the importance of learning to “fit in,” to avoid feeling left out or excluded. One Korean woman said:

“Every time I go to a party, I feel unwelcome. … In Korea, when I invite guests to my house and one person sits without talking, I come over and talk and treat them as a host. But in the United States, I have to go and mingle. I hate mingling so much. I have to talk and keep going through unimportant stories. In Korea, I am assigned to a dinner or gathering. I have a party with a sense of security. In America, I have nowhere to sit, and I don’t know where to go and who to talk to.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in mid-40s

And a Bhutanese immigrant explained:

“In my case, I am not an American. I consider myself a Bhutanese. … I am a Bhutanese because I do not know American culture to consider myself as an American. It is very difficult to understand the sense of humor in America. So, we are pure Bhutanese in America.”

–Immigrant man of Bhutanese origin in early 40s

Language was also a key aspect of identity for the participants. Many immigrants in the focus groups said they speak a language other than English at home and in their daily lives. One Vietnamese man considered himself Vietnamese since his Vietnamese is better than his English. Others emphasized their English skills. A Bangladeshi participant felt that she was more accepted in the workplace when she does more “American” things and speaks fluent English, rather than sharing things from Bangladeshi culture. She felt that others in her workplace correlate her English fluency with her ability to do her job. For others born in the U.S., the language they speak at home influences their connection to their ethnic roots.

“Now if I go to my work and do show my Bengali culture and Asian culture, they are not going to take anything out of it. So, basically, I have to show something that they are interested in. I have to show that I am American, [that] I can speak English fluently. I can do whatever you give me as a responsibility. So, in those cases I can’t show anything about my culture.”

–Immigrant woman of Bangladeshi origin in late 20s

“Being bi-ethnic and tri-cultural creates so many unique dynamics, and … one of the dynamics has to do with … what it is to be Americanized. … One of the things that played a role into how I associate the identity is language. Now, my father never spoke Spanish to me … because he wanted me to develop a fluency in English, because for him, he struggled with English. What happened was three out of the four people that raised me were Khmer … they spoke to me in Khmer. We’d eat breakfast, lunch and dinner speaking Khmer. We’d go to the temple in Khmer with the language and we’d also watch videos and movies in Khmer. … Looking into why I strongly identify with the heritage, one of the reasons is [that] speaking that language connects to the home I used to have [as my families have passed away].”

–U.S.-born man of Cambodian origin in early 30s

Balancing between individualistic and collective thinking

For some immigrant participants, the main differences between themselves and others who are seen as “truly American” were less about cultural differences, or how people behave, and more about differences in “mindset,” or how people think . Those who identified strongly with their ethnicity discussed how their way of thinking is different from a “typical American.” To some, the “American mentality” is more individualistic, with less judgment on what one should do or how they should act . One immigrant Japanese man, for example, talked about how other Japanese-origin co-workers in the U.S. would work without taking breaks because it’s culturally inconsiderate to take a break while others continued working. However, he would speak up for himself and other workers when they are not taking any work breaks. He attributed this to his “American” way of thinking, which encourages people to stand up for themselves.

Some U.S.-born participants who grew up in an immigrant family described the cultural clashes that happened between themselves and their immigrant parents. Participants talked about how the second generation (children of immigrant parents) struggles to pursue their own dreams while still living up to the traditional expectations of their immigrant parents.

“I feel like one of the biggest things I’ve seen, just like [my] Asian American friends overall, is the kind of family-individualistic clash … like wanting to do your own thing is like, is kind of instilled in you as an American, like go and … follow your dream. But then you just grow up with such a sense of like also wanting to be there for your family and to live up to those expectations, and I feel like that’s something that’s very pronounced in Asian cultures.”

–U.S.-born man of Indian origin in mid-20s

Discussions also highlighted differences about gender roles between growing up in America compared with elsewhere.

“As a woman or being a girl, because of your gender, you have to keep your mouth shut [and] wait so that they call on you for you to speak up. … I do respect our elders and I do respect hearing their guidance but I also want them to learn to hear from the younger person … because we have things to share that they might not know and that [are] important … so I like to challenge gender roles or traditional roles because it is something that [because] I was born and raised here [in America], I learn that we all have the equal rights to be able to speak and share our thoughts and ideas.”

U.S. born have mixed ties to their family’s heritage

“I think being Hmong is somewhat of being free, but being free of others’ perceptions of you or of others’ attempts to assimilate you or attempts to put pressure on you. I feel like being Hmong is to resist, really.” Pa Houa , documentary participant

How U.S.-born participants identify themselves depends on their familiarity with their own heritage, whom they are talking with, where they are when asked about their identity and what the answer is used for. Some mentioned that they have stronger ethnic ties because they are very familiar with their family’s ethnic heritage. Others talked about how their eating habits and preferred dishes made them feel closer to their ethnic identity. For example, one Korean participant shared his journey of getting closer to his Korean heritage because of Korean food and customs. When some participants shared their reasons for feeling closer to their ethnic identity, they also expressed a strong sense of pride with their unique cultural and ethnic heritage.

“I definitely consider myself Japanese American. I mean I’m Japanese and American. Really, ever since I’ve grown up, I’ve really admired Japanese culture. I grew up watching a lot of anime and Japanese black and white films. Just learning about [it], I would hear about Japanese stuff from my grandparents … myself, and my family having blended Japanese culture and American culture together.”

–U.S.-born man of Japanese origin in late 20s

Meanwhile, participants who were not familiar with their family’s heritage showed less connection with their ethnic ties. One U.S.-born woman said she has a hard time calling herself Cambodian, as she is “not close to the Cambodian community.” Participants with stronger ethnic ties talked about relating to their specific ethnic group more than the broader Asian group. Another woman noted that being Vietnamese is “more specific and unique than just being Asian” and said that she didn’t feel she belonged with other Asians. Some participants also disliked being seen as or called “Asian,” in part because they want to distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. For example, one Taiwanese woman introduces herself as Taiwanese when she can, because she had frequently been seen as Chinese.

Some in the focus groups described how their views of their own identities shifted as they grew older. For example, some U.S.-born and immigrant participants who came to the U.S. at younger ages described how their experiences in high school and the need to “fit in” were important in shaping their own identities. A Chinese woman put it this way:

“So basically, all I know is that I was born in the United States. Again, when I came back, I didn’t feel any barrier with my other friends who are White or Black. … Then I got a little confused in high school when I had trouble self-identifying if I am Asian, Chinese American, like who am I. … Should I completely immerse myself in the American culture? Should I also keep my Chinese identity and stuff like that? So yeah, that was like the middle of that mist. Now, I’m pretty clear about myself. I think I am Chinese American, Asian American, whatever people want.”

–U.S.-born woman of Chinese origin in early 20s

Identity is influenced by birthplace

“I identified myself first and foremost as American. Even on the forms that you fill out that says, you know, ‘Asian’ or ‘Chinese’ or ‘other,’ I would check the ‘other’ box, and I would put ‘American Chinese’ instead of ‘Chinese American.’” Brent , documentary participant

When talking about what it means to be “American,” participants offered their own definitions. For some, “American” is associated with acquiring a distinct identity alongside their ethnic or racial backgrounds, rather than replacing them. One Indian participant put it this way:

“I would also say [that I am] Indian American just because I find myself always bouncing between the two … it’s not even like dual identity, it just is one whole identity for me, like there’s not this separation. … I’m doing [both] Indian things [and] American things. … They use that term like ABCD … ‘American Born Confused Desi’ … I don’t feel that way anymore, although there are those moments … but I would say [that I am] Indian American for sure.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 30s

Meanwhile, some U.S.-born participants view being American as central to their identity while also valuing the culture of their family’s heritage.

Many immigrant participants associated the term “American” with immigration status or citizenship. One Taiwanese woman said she can’t call herself American since she doesn’t have a U.S. passport. Notably, U.S. citizenship is an important milestone for many immigrant participants, giving them a stronger sense of belonging and ultimately calling themselves American. A Bangladeshi participant shared that she hasn’t received U.S. citizenship yet, and she would call herself American after she receives her U.S. passport.

Other participants gave an even narrower definition, saying only those born and raised in the United States are truly American. One Taiwanese woman mentioned that her son would be American since he was born, raised and educated in the U.S. She added that while she has U.S. citizenship, she didn’t consider herself American since she didn’t grow up in the U.S. This narrower definition has implications for belonging. Some immigrants in the groups said they could never become truly American since the way they express themselves is so different from those who were born and raised in the U.S. A Japanese woman pointed out that Japanese people “are still very intimidated by authorities,” while those born and raised in America give their opinions without hesitation.

“As soon as I arrived, I called myself a Burmese immigrant. I had a green card, but I still wasn’t an American citizen. … Now I have become a U.S. citizen, so now I am a Burmese American.”

–Immigrant man of Burmese origin in mid-30s

“Since I was born … and raised here, I kind of always view myself as American first who just happened to be Asian or Chinese. So I actually don’t like the term Chinese American or Asian American. I’m American Asian or American Chinese. I view myself as American first.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 60s

“[I used to think of myself as] Filipino, but recently I started saying ‘Filipino American’ because I got [U.S.] citizenship. And it just sounds weird to say Filipino American, but I’m trying to … I want to accept it. I feel like it’s now marry-able to my identity.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 30s

For others, American identity is about the process of ‘becoming’ culturally American

Immigrant participants also emphasized how their experiences and time living in America inform their views of being an “American.” As a result, some started to see themselves as Americans after spending more than a decade in the U.S. One Taiwanese man considered himself an American since he knows more about the U.S. than Taiwan after living in the U.S. for over 52 years.

But for other immigrant participants, the process of “becoming” American is not about how long they have lived in the U.S., but rather how familiar they are with American culture and their ability to speak English with little to no accent. This is especially true for those whose first language is not English, as learning and speaking it without an accent can be a big challenge for some. One Bangladeshi participant shared that his pronunciation of “hot water” was very different from American English, resulting in confusions in communication. By contrast, those who were more confident in their English skills felt they can better understand American culture and values as a result, leading them to a stronger connection with an American identity.

“[My friends and family tease me for being Americanized when I go back to Japan.] I think I seem a little different to people who live in Japan. I don’t think they mean anything bad, and they [were] just joking, because I already know that I seem a little different to people who live in Japan.”

–Immigrant man of Japanese origin in mid-40s

“I value my Hmong culture, and language, and ethnicity, but I also do acknowledge, again, that I was born here in America and I’m grateful that I was born here, and I was given opportunities that my parents weren’t given opportunities for.”

–U.S.-born woman of Hmong origin in early 30s

During the focus group discussions about identity, a recurring theme emerged about the difference between how participants saw themselves and how others see them. When asked to elaborate on their experiences and their points of view, some participants shared experiences they had with people misidentifying their race or ethnicity. Others talked about their frustration with being labeled the “model minority.” In all these discussions, participants shed light on the negative impacts that mistaken assumptions and labels had on their lives.

All people see is ‘Asian’

For many, interactions with others (non-Asians and Asians alike) often required explaining their backgrounds, reacting to stereotypes, and for those from smaller origin groups in particular, correcting the misconception that being “Asian” means you come from one of the larger Asian ethnic groups. Several participants remarked that in their own experiences, when others think about Asians, they tend to think of someone who is Chinese. As one immigrant Filipino woman put it, “Interacting with [non-Asians in the U.S.], it’s hard. … Well, first, I look Spanish. I mean, I don’t look Asian, so would you guess – it’s like they have a vision of what an Asian [should] look like.” Similarly, an immigrant Indonesian man remarked how Americans tended to see Asians primarily through their physical features, which not all Asian groups share.

Several participants also described how the tendency to view Asians as a monolithic group can be even more common in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“The first [thing people think of me as] is just Chinese. ‘You guys are just Chinese.’ I’m not the only one who felt [this] after the COVID-19 outbreak. ‘Whether you’re Japanese, Korean, or Southeast Asian, you’re just Chinese [to Americans]. I should avoid you.’ I’ve felt this way before, but I think I’ve felt it a bit more after the COVID-19 outbreak.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in early 30s

At the same time, other participants described their own experiences trying to convince others that they are Asian or Asian American. This was a common experience among Southeast Asian participants.

“I have to convince people I’m Asian, not Middle Eastern. … If you type in Asian or you say Asian, most people associate it with Chinese food, Japanese food, karate, and like all these things but then they don’t associate it with you.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 30s

The model minority myth and its impact

“I’ve never really done the best academically, compared to all my other Asian peers too. I never really excelled. I wasn’t in honors. … Those stereotypes, I think really [have] taken a toll on my self-esteem.” Diane , documentary participant

Across focus groups, immigrant and U.S.-born participants described the challenges of the seemingly positive stereotypes of Asians as intelligent, gifted in technical roles and hardworking. Participants often referred to this as the “model minority myth.”

The label “model minority” was coined in the 1960s and has been used to characterize Asian Americans as financially and educationally successful and hardworking when compared with other groups. However, for many Asians living in the United States, these characterizations do not align with their lived experiences or reflect their socioeconomic backgrounds. Indeed, among Asian origin groups in the U.S., there are wide differences in economic and social experiences. 

Academic research on the model minority myth has pointed to its impact beyond Asian Americans and towards other racial and ethnic groups, especially Black Americans, in the U.S. Some argue that the model minority myth has been used to justify policies that overlook the historical circumstances and impacts of colonialism, slavery, discrimination and segregation on other non-White racial and ethnic groups.

Many participants noted ways in which the model minority myth has been harmful. For some, expectations based on the myth didn’t match their own experiences of coming from impoverished communities. Some also recalled experiences at school when they struggled to meet their teachers’ expectations in math and science.

“As an Asian person, I feel like there’s that stereotype that Asian students are high achievers academically. They’re good at math and science. … I was a pretty mediocre student, and math and science were actually my weakest subjects, so I feel like it’s either way you lose. Teachers expect you to fit a certain stereotype and if you’re not, then you’re a disappointment, but at the same time, even if you are good at math and science, that just means that you’re fitting a stereotype. It’s [actually] your own achievement, but your teachers might think, ‘Oh, it’s because they’re Asian,’ and that diminishes your achievement.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in late 20s

Some participants felt that even when being Asian worked in their favor in the job market, they encountered stereotypes that “Asians can do quality work with less compensation” or that “Asians would not complain about anything at work.”

“There is a joke from foreigners and even Asian Americans that says, ‘No matter what you do, Asians always do the best.’ You need to get A, not just B-plus. Otherwise, you’ll be a disgrace to the family. … Even Silicon Valley hires Asian because [an] Asian’s wage is cheaper but [they] can work better. When [work] visa overflow happens, they hire Asians like Chinese and Indian to work in IT fields because we are good at this and do not complain about anything.”

–Immigrant man of Thai origin in early 40s

Others expressed frustration that people were placing them in the model minority box. One Indian woman put it this way:

“Indian people and Asian people, like … our parents or grandparents are the ones who immigrated here … against all odds. … A lot of Indian and Asian people have succeeded and have done really well for themselves because they’ve worked themselves to the bone. So now the expectations [of] the newer generations who were born here are incredibly unrealistic and high. And you get that not only from your family and the Indian community, but you’re also getting it from all of the American people around you, expecting you to be … insanely good at math, play an instrument, you know how to do this, you know how to do that, but it’s not true. And it’s just living with those expectations, it’s difficult.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 20s

Whether U.S. born or immigrants, Asians are often seen by others as foreigners

“Being only not quite 10 years old, it was kind of exciting to ride on a bus to go someplace. But when we went to Pomona, the assembly center, we were stuck in one of the stalls they used for the animals.” Tokiko , documentary participant

Across all focus groups, participants highlighted a common question they are asked in America when meeting people for the first time: “Where are you really from?” For participants, this question implied that people think they are “foreigners,” even though they may be longtime residents or citizens of the United States or were born in the country. One man of Vietnamese origin shared his experience with strangers who assumed that he and his friends are North Korean. Perhaps even more hurtful, participants mentioned that this meant people had a preconceived notion of what an “American” is supposed to look like, sound like or act like. One Chinese woman said that White Americans treated people like herself as outsiders based on her skin color and appearance, even though she was raised in the U.S.

Many focus group participants also acknowledged the common stereotype of treating Asians as “forever foreigners.” Some immigrant participants said they felt exhausted from constantly being asked this question by people even when they speak perfect English with no accent. During the discussion, a Korean immigrant man recalled that someone had said to him, “You speak English well, but where are you from?” One Filipino participant shared her experience during the first six months in the U.S.:

“You know, I spoke English fine. But there were certain things that, you know, people constantly questioning you like, oh, where are you from? When did you come here? You know, just asking about your experience to the point where … you become fed up with it after a while.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in mid-30s

U.S.-born participants also talked about experiences when others asked where they are from. Many shared that they would not talk about their ethnic origin right away when answering such a question because it often led to misunderstandings and assumptions that they are immigrants.

“I always get that question of, you know, ‘Where are you from?’ and I’m like, ‘I’m from America.’ And then they’re like, ‘No. Where are you from-from ?’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah, my family is from Pakistan,’ so it’s like I always had like that dual identity even though it’s never attached to me because I am like, of Pakistani descent.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 20s

One Korean woman born in the U.S. said that once people know she is Korean, they ask even more offensive questions such as “Are you from North or South Korea?” or “Do you still eat dogs?”

In a similar situation, this U.S.-born Indian woman shared her responses:

“I find that there’s a, ‘So but where are you from?’ Like even in professional settings when they feel comfortable enough to ask you. ‘So – so where are you from?’ ‘Oh, I was born in [names city], Colorado. Like at [the hospital], down the street.’ ‘No, but like where are you from?’ ‘My mother’s womb?’”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 40s

Ignorance and misinformation about Asian identity can lead to contentious encounters

“I have dealt with kids who just gave up on their Sikh identity, cut their hair and groomed their beard and everything. They just wanted to fit in and not have to deal with it, especially [those] who are victim or bullied in any incident.” Surinder , documentary participant

In some cases, ignorance and misinformation about Asians in the U.S. lead to inappropriate comments or questions and uncomfortable or dangerous situations. Participants shared their frustration when others asked about their country of origin, and they then had to explain their identity or correct misunderstandings or stereotypes about their background. At other times, some participants faced ignorant comments about their ethnicity, which sometimes led to more contentious encounters. For example, some Indian or Pakistani participants talked about the attacks or verbal abuse they experienced from others blaming them for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Others discussed the racial slurs directed toward them since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Some Japanese participants recalled their families losing everything and being incarcerated during World War II and the long-term effect it had on their lives.

“I think like right now with the coronavirus, I think we’re just Chinese, Chinese American, well, just Asian American or Asians in general, you’re just going through the same struggles right now. Like everyone is just blaming whoever looks Asian about the virus. You don’t feel safe.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 30s

“At the beginning of the pandemic, a friend and I went to celebrate her birthday at a club and like these guys just kept calling us COVID.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in early 20s

“There [were] a lot of instances after 9/11. One day, somebody put a poster about 9/11 [in front of] my business. He was wearing a gun. … On the poster, it was written ‘you Arabs, go back to your country.’ And then someone came inside. He pointed his gun at me and said ‘Go back to your country.’”

–Immigrant man of Pakistani origin in mid-60s

“[My parents went through the] internment camps during World War II. And my dad, he was in high school, so he was – they were building the camps and then he was put into the Santa Anita horse track place, the stables there. And then they were sent – all the Japanese Americans were sent to different camps, right, during World War II and – in California. Yeah, and they lost everything, yeah.”

–U.S.-born woman of Japanese origin in mid-60s

As focus group participants contemplated their identity during the discussions, many talked about their sense of belonging in America. Although some felt frustrated with people misunderstanding their ethnic heritage, they didn’t take a negative view of life in America. Instead, many participants – both immigrant and U.S. born – took pride in their unique cultural and ethnic backgrounds. In these discussions, people gave their own definitions of America as a place with a diverse set of cultures, with their ethnic heritage being a part of it.

Taking pride in their unique cultures

“Being a Pakistani American, I’m proud. … Because I work hard, and I make true my dreams from here.” Shahid , documentary participant

Despite the challenges of adapting to life in America for immigrant participants or of navigating their dual cultural identity for U.S.-born ones, focus group participants called America their home. And while participants talked about their identities in different ways – ethnic identity, racial (Asian) identity, and being American – they take pride in their unique cultures. Many also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to give back or support their community, sharing their cultural heritage with others on their own terms.

“Right now it has been a little difficult. I think it has been for all Asians because of the COVID issue … but I’m glad that we’re all here [in America]. I think we should be proud to be here. I’m glad that our families have traveled here, and we can help make life better for communities, our families and ourselves. I think that’s really a wonderful thing. We can be those role models for a lot of the future, the younger folks. I hope that something I did in the last years will have impacted either my family, friends or students that I taught in other community things that I’ve done. So you hope that it helps someplace along the line.”

“I am very proud of my culture. … There is not a single Bengali at my workplace, but people know the name of my country. Maybe many years [later] – educated people know all about the country. So, I don’t have to explain that there is a small country next to India and Nepal. It’s beyond saying. People after all know Bangladesh. And there are so many Bengali present here as well. So, I am very proud to be a Bangladeshi.”

Where home is

When asked about the definition of home, some immigrant participants said home is where their families are located. Immigrants in the focus groups came to the United States by various paths, whether through work opportunities, reuniting with family or seeking a safe haven as refugees. Along their journey, some received support from family members, their local community or other individuals, while others overcame challenges by themselves. Either way, they take pride in establishing their home in America and can feel hurt when someone tells them to “go back to your country.” In response, one Laotian woman in her mid-40s said, “This is my home. My country. Go away.”

“If you ask me personally, I view my home as my house … then I would say my house is with my family because wherever I go, I cannot marry if I do not have my family so that is how I would answer.”

–Immigrant man of Hmong origin in late 30s

“[If somebody yelled at me ‘go back to your country’] I’d feel angry because this is my country! I live here. America is my country. I grew up here and worked here … I’d say, ‘This is my country! You go back to your country! … I will not go anywhere. This is my home. I will live here.’ That’s what I’d say.”

–Immigrant woman of Laotian origin in early 50s

‘American’ means to blend their unique cultural and ethnic heritage with that in the U.S.

“I want to teach my children two traditions – one American and one Vietnamese – so they can compare and choose for themselves the best route in life.” Helen , documentary participant (translated from Vietnamese)

Both U.S.-born and immigrant participants in the focus groups shared their experiences of navigating a dual cultural environment between their ethnic heritage and American culture. A common thread that emerged was that being Asian in America is a process of blending two or more identities as one.

“Yeah, I want to say that’s how I feel – because like thinking about it, I would call my dad Lao but I would call myself Laotian American because I think I’m a little more integrated in the American society and I’ve also been a little more Americanized, compared to my dad. So that’s how I would see it.”

–U.S.-born man of Laotian origin in late 20s

“I mean, Bangladeshi Americans who are here, we are carrying Bangladeshi culture, religion, food. I am also trying to be Americanized like the Americans. Regarding language, eating habits.”

–Immigrant man of Bangladeshi origin in mid-50s

“Just like there is Chinese American, Mexican American, Japanese American, Italian American, so there is Indian American. I don’t want to give up Indianness. I am American by nationality, but I am Indian by birth. So whenever I talk, I try to show both the flags as well, both Indian and American flags. Just because you make new relatives but don’t forget the old relatives.”

–Immigrant man of Indian origin in late 40s

Pew Research Center designed these focus groups to better understand how members of an ethnically diverse Asian population think about their place in America and life here. By including participants of different languages, immigration or refugee experiences, educational backgrounds, and income levels, this focus group study aimed to capture in people’s own words what it means to be Asian in America. The discussions in these groups may or may not resonate with all Asians living in the United States. Browse excerpts from our focus groups with the interactive quote sorter below, view a video documentary focused on the topics discussed in the focus groups, or tell us your story of belonging in America via social media. The focus group project is part of a broader research project studying the diverse experiences of Asians living in the U.S.

Read sortable quotes from our focus groups

Browse excerpts in the interactive quote sorter from focus group participants in response to the question “What does it mean to be [Vietnamese, Thai, Sri Lankan, Hmong, etc.] like yourself in America?” This interactive allows you to sort quotes from focus group participants by ethnic origin, nativity (U.S. born or born in another country), gender and age.

Video documentary

Videos throughout the data essay illustrate what focus group participants discussed. Those recorded in these videos did not participate in the focus groups but were sampled to have similar demographic characteristics and thematically relevant stories.

Watch the full video documentary and watch additional shorter video clips related to the themes of this data essay.

Share the story of your family and your identity

Did the voices in this data essay resonate? Share your story of what it means to be Asian in America with @pewresearch. Tell us your story by using the hashtag #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewidentity on Twitter, as well as #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewresearch on Instagram.

This cross-ethnic, comparative qualitative research project explores the identity, economic mobility, representation, and experiences of immigration and discrimination among the Asian population in the United States. The analysis is based on 66 focus groups we conducted virtually in the fall of 2021 and included 264 participants from across the U.S. More information about the groups and analysis can be found in this appendix .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This data essay was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

The accompanying video clips and video documentary were made possible by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Sobrato Family Foundation and The Long Family Foundation.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this study possible. This is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of a number of individuals and experts at Pew Research Center and outside experts.

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