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Issues of Globalization: Case Studies in Contemporary Anthropology

• Anthropology

Burning at Europe's Borders

Alexander-Nathani

Burning at Europe’s Borders invites readers inside the lives of the world’s largest population of migrants and refugees — the hundreds of thousands who are trapped in hidden forest camps and forgotten detention centers at Europe’s southernmost borders in North Africa. “ Hrig ,” the Arabic term for “illegal immigration,” translates to “burning.” It signifies a migrant’s decision to bu...

Burning at Europe’s Borders invites readers inside the lives of the world’s largest population of migrants and refugees — the hundre...

Care for Sale

Gutiérrez Garza

In homes and brothels around the world, migrant women are selling a unique commodity: care. Care for Sale is an in-depth ethnography of a group middle-class women from Latin America who exchange care and intimacy for money while working as domestic and sex workers in London. Illuminating the complexities of care work, the proposed book is a detailed study of women’s lives and working conditions. It considers how their experience of migratio...

In homes and brothels around the world, migrant women are selling a unique commodity: care. Care for Sale is an in-depth ethnography of a group middle...

Indebted examines the economic and political factors that led to the Greek debt crisis, investigating the effects of financial pressures from international lenders, unregulated spending by the Greek government, predatory bank loans, and rising unemployment. The book looks closely at the cultural dimensions of the crisis—how middle class urbanites experienced the shock of a global collapse, managed societal instability, and worked to sustain their...

Indebted examines the economic and political factors that led to the Greek debt crisis, investigating the effects of financial pressures from internat...

Labor and Legality Tenth Anniversary Edition

Gomberg-Muñoz

Labor and Legality is an ethnographic account of the lives of ten undocumented workers in Chicago, originally published in 2010. The book seeks to push past one-dimensional rhetoric and show that undocumented workers are neither mere victims nor criminals, but complicated people engaged in workaday struggles to make their lives better. The book follows these men through their daily routines and records their efforts to improve their fortunes and ...

Labor and Legality is an ethnographic account of the lives of ten undocumented workers in Chicago, originally published in 2010. The book seeks to pus...

Low Wage in High Tech

Mirchandani, Mukherjee, & Tambe

Low Wage in High Tech focuses on the lives and livelihoods of housekeepers, drivers, and security guards who work in India's multinational technology firms. These call centers and software firms are housed in gleaming corporate towers within lavish special economic zones; spaces which have become symbolic of new, sanitized, technology-driven development regimes. However little is known about the workers who are responsible for the daily maintenan...

Low Wage in High Tech focuses on the lives and livelihoods of housekeepers, drivers, and security guards who work in India's multinational technology ...

Marriage After Migration

Marriage After Migration is a compelling ethnography centered around the stories of five women in rural Mexico as they work to keep their communities and families together when their spouses migrate abroad. Through rich and highly readable narratives about the lives of these women, author Nora Haenn explores how international migration affects kinship ties and rewrites gender roles. Haenn's research illuminates aspects of migration and globalizat...

Marriage After Migration is a compelling ethnography centered around the stories of five women in rural Mexico as they work to keep their communities ...

Serious Youth in Sierra Leone: An Ethnography of Performance and Global Connection

Generational anxieties over what will happen to the young are unfolding starkly in Sierra Leone, where the civil war that raged between 1991 and 2002-characterized by the extreme youthfulness of the rebel movement-triggered mass fear of that generation being "lost." Even now, fifteen years later with these children grown into young adults, "children of the war" are regarded with suspicion. These fears stem largely from young people's easy embrace...

Generational anxieties over what will happen to the young are unfolding starkly in Sierra Leone, where the civil war that raged between 1991 and 2002-...

Waste and Wealth

Waste and Wealth examines questions of value, labor, and morality underlining the translocal waste networks in Spring District, Vietnam. Engaging with waste as an economic category of global significance, this book provides an account of migrant laborers' complex negotiations with political economic forces to build their economic, social, and moral life from their marginalized position. It thereby makes visible how women and men seek to construct...

Waste and Wealth examines questions of value, labor, and morality underlining the translocal waste networks in Spring District, Vietnam. Engaging with...

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A Closer Look: Cases of Globalization

Globalization expands and accelerates the movement and exchange of ideas and commodities over vast distances. It is common to discuss the phenomenon from an abstract, global perspective, but in fact globalization's most important impacts are often highly localized. This page explores the various manifestations of interconnectedness in the world, noting how globalization affects real people and places.

Articles and Documents

Chinese imports and contraband make bolivia's textile trade a casualty of globalization (july 6, 2012).

Domestic manufacturing in Bolivia has been crushed by the influx of cheap foreign goods, mainly from China. Bolivian products cannot compete in the global market because of the small scale production, the strict labor law which keeps labor cost high, and the frequent political unrest which hurt competitiveness by raising costs. The Bolivian economy is reliant on raw material extraction, and its trade deficit keeps widening. Although the government is making an effort to raise tariffs and create state-owned companies to save jobs, globalization seems to have caused more bad than good in Bolivia. (Associated Press)

Is France on Course to Bid Adieu to Globalization? (July 21, 2011)

Many in France are blaming globalization for causing high youth unemployment and a stagnated, post recessionary economy. With the 2012 presidential election approaching, the theme of “deglobalization” appears to be growing in popularity due to its nationalistic appeal. Left-wing candidates, including member of Parliament Arnaud Montebourg, are advocating European-based protectionism, and saying that “globalization” has caused France’s high rates of youth unemployment, destroyed natural resources, and made France vulnerable to the fluctuations of interconnected financial markets. While Montebourg is not a likely front-runner for the presidency, his surprising popularity has highlighted the French peoples’ disillusionment and has prompted a discussion of globalization. Ideally, this will “force politicians to work harder on their answers”, and they will work to improve France’s economic recovery plans and their role in a globalized system. (YaleGlobal Online)

350 Movement Video from Bolivia's Climate Summit (April 22, 2010)

Immigrants now see better prospects back home (december 8, 2009), the human effect of globalization (august 30, 2009), following the trail of toxic trash (august 17, 2009), will the crisis reverse global migration (july 17, 2009), in many business schools, the bottom line is in english (april 10, 2007), globalization and child labor: the cause can also be a cure (march 13, 2007), landless workers movement: the difficult construction of a new world (september 29, 2006), for african cotton farmers, more crops equal less pay (august 15, 2006), meet the losers of globalization (march 8, 2006), thanks to corporations instead of democracy we get baywatch (september 13, 2005), global health priorities – priorities of the wealthy (april 22, 2005), guatemala: supermarket giants crush farmers (december 28, 2004).

This article looks at the effects of economic liberalization in Latin America's food retailing system and identifies small scale farmers as the "losers of globalization." Corporate transformations of the regional food sector and its failed trickle-down economics have not generated wealth but rather increased the social inequalities in the region, forcing smaller growers to migrate. ( New York Times )

Campesinos vs Oil Industry: Bolivia Takes On Goliath of Globalization (December 5, 2004)

Privatizations: the end of a cycle of plundering (november 1, 2004), globalization: europe's wary embrace (november 1, 2004), latin american indigenous movements in the context of globalization (october 11, 2004), mixed blessings of the megacities (september 24, 2004), dominican republic: us trade pact fails pregnant women - cafta fails to protect against rampant job discrimination (april 22, 2004), workers face uphill battle on road to globalization (january 27, 2004), money for nothing and calls for free (february 17, 2004), the next great wall (january 19, 2004).

This article examines the growth of geographical, physical and, increasingly, digital immigration barriers to the free movement of people between rich and poor countries. ( TomDispatch.com )

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How our interconnected world is changing

Globalization isn’t going away, but it is changing, according to recent research  from the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI). In this episode of The McKinsey Podcast , MGI director Olivia White speaks with global editorial director Lucia Rahilly about the flows of goods, knowledge, and labor that drive global integration—and about what reshaping these flows might mean for our interconnected future.

After, global brewer AB InBev has flourished in the throes of what its CFO Fernando Tennenbaum describes as the recent “twists and turns.” Find out how in this excerpt from “ How to thrive in a downturn: A CFO perspective ,” recorded in December 2022 as part of our McKinsey Live series. 1 Please note that market conditions may have changed since this interview was conducted in December 2022.

The McKinsey Podcast is cohosted by Roberta Fusaro and Lucia Rahilly.

This transcript has been edited for clarity and length.

Globalization is here to stay

Lucia Rahilly: Pundits and other public figures have wrongly predicted the demise of globalization for what seems like years. Now, given the war in Ukraine and other disruptions, many are once again sounding its death knell. What does this new MGI research  tell us about the fate of globalization? Is it really in retreat?

Olivia White: The flows of goods, the real tangible stuff, have leveled off after nearly 20-plus years of growing at twice the rate of GDP. But the flows of goods kept pace with GDP and even rose a little bit, surprisingly, in the past couple of years. Since GDP has been growing, that means actual ties have gotten stronger.

One of the most striking findings from this research was that flows representing knowledge and know-how, such as IP and data, and flows of services and international students have accelerated and are now growing faster than the flow of goods. Flows of data grew by more than 40 percent per annum over the past ten years.

Lucia Rahilly: Goods are a smaller share of total flows, a smaller share of economic output, than in the past. That doesn’t necessarily sound like a bad thing. Could it be a sign of progress?

Olivia White: The fact that certain goods are growing less quickly than other types of flows shows this shift in our economy and what’s most important to the way the economy functions. It comes on the back of a long history of different factors that influence growth and shifts in the way patterns work. What’s happening, in part, is that a variety of countries are producing more domestically—first and foremost China. That has been driving a lot of the flow down, if you take the longitudinal view, over the past ten years versus before.

The world remains interdependent

Lucia Rahilly: How interdependent would you say we are at this stage? Could you give us some examples of the ways we’re interconnected?

Olivia White: The top line is, every region in the world depends on another significant region for at least 25 percent of a flow it values most.

In general, regions that are manufacturing regions—Europe, Asia–Pacific, and China, if we look at it on its own because it’s such a large economy—depend very strongly on the rest of the world for resources: food to some degree, but really energy and minerals of different sorts. I’ll give you a few examples.

In general, regions that are manufacturing regions depend very strongly on the rest of the world for resources: food to some degree, but really energy and minerals. Olivia White

China imports over 25 percent of its minerals, from places as far-flung as Brazil, Chile, and South Africa. China imports energy, particularly in the form of oil from the Middle East and Russia. Europe is emblematic of these forms of dependency on energy. It was dependent on Russia for over 50 percent of its energy, but now that has drastically changed.

In some other regions in the world—places that are resource rich, like the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, and Latin America—those places are highly dependent on the rest of the world for their manufactured goods. Well over half the world’s population lives in those places. They import well over 50 percent of their electronics and similar amounts of their pharmaceuticals. They are highly dependent on other parts of the world for things that are really quite critical to development and for modern life.

North America is somewhat of a different story. We don’t have any single spot of quite as great a dependency, at least at the broad category level. We import close to 25 percent of what we use in net value terms across the spectrum, both of resources and of manufactured goods.

This doesn’t yet speak of data and IP, where, for example, the US and Europe are fairly significant producers/exporters. A country like China is a very large consumer of IP.

Lucia Rahilly: How interdependent are we in terms of the global workforce?

Olivia White: This is quite striking. We asked how many workers in regions outside North America serve North American demand. And we asked the same question for Europe. It turns out that 60 million people in regions outside North America serve North American demand, and in Europe the corresponding number is 50 million.

These numbers are very substantial versus the working populations in those countries. So when you consider how much of what North Americans or Europeans are consuming could be produced onshore, by onshore labor, the answer is not even remotely close to those sorts of numbers—at least given the means of production or the way services are delivered today and the role people play in that.

Lucia Rahilly: Let’s turn to some of the categories of flows that have increased in recent years. What’s driving growth in global flows now that the trade in goods has stabilized?

Olivia White: Flows linked to knowledge and know-how. Knowledge services that have historically grown more slowly than manufactured goods and resources, with increased global connection over time, have flipped over the past ten years.

Professional services, such as engineering services, are among those more traditional trade flows that have been growing fastest, at about 6 percent a year, versus resources, which have slowed to just around two percent. Anything that involves real know-how—engineering, but also providing, say, call center support—is in that category.

The flows of IP are growing even faster. Now, IP is tricky because accounting for it is a very tricky thing to do. But it roughly looks at flows of the fun stuff. In the report we talk about Squid Game , but IP also includes movies, streaming platforms, music, and any sort of cultural elements that we consume.

It’s also important to consider flows of patents and ideas and the way countries or companies will use ideas or know-how developed in one country to help what they do broadly across the world. Those flows have been growing at roughly 6 percent per year as well.

There are data flows—the flows of packets of data. For example, if we were in different countries while conducting this interview there would be the flows between us. There are also flows linked to our ever-expanding use of cloud and data localization. Data transfer is happening more and more quickly.

The flows of international students have also been rising. That was mightily interrupted by the pandemic, for reasons I don’t need to belabor, but these flows seem to be rebounding. It’s important to consider the degree to which those will jump back on their accelerated growth trajectory.

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How covid-19 has affected global flows.

Lucia Rahilly: You mentioned flows of international students dropping off during COVID, for the obvious reasons. Did other flows generally drop off during the pandemic? Or were there examples of flows that were particularly resilient throughout that period?

Olivia White: There’s some variation, but many flows were remarkably resilient—resilient in a way that’s a bit counter to the general narrative about what happened during the pandemic.

The flows of resources and manufactured goods jumped reasonably significantly in 2020 and 2021, both to levels of about 6 percent per year on an annualized basis. To some degree, what was happening is that cross-border flows stepped in to replace interrupted domestic production. Flows from Asia came in, for example, to the US or to Europe. We’ve seen some flows go in reverse directions. There was a bunch of interruption in domestic production, which was quite surprising.

Flows of capital also jumped quite a lot as people needed to shift the way they were financing themselves. Multinationals needed to shift the way they were financing themselves. Some were moving liquidity to different parts of the world under times of financial stress. But those jumped to levels of growth in the tens of digits from what had actually been reversed growth for the past ten years. All those things jumped. IP jumped a little bit; data remained high. So these flows have been remarkably resilient.

The good and bad news about resource concentration

Lucia Rahilly: You invoked concentration a bit when you talked about Europe being dependent on Russia for 50 percent of its energy. Can you say a bit more about what concentration means in this context and how it affects the dynamics of the way we’re connected globally?

Olivia White: From the global perspective, there are some products that truly originate in only a few places in the world, and all of us across the globe are dependent on those few places for our supply. Iron ore is quite concentrated, and cobalt is concentrated in the DRC [Democratic Republic of the Congo].

The second type of concentration is viewed from the standpoint of an individual country. Lucia, you talked about Europe and gas dependency.

For example, Germany was getting gas from only a very concentrated set of sources. These are places where, for a variety of reasons, countries have built up dependencies on just a small number of other countries.

Why has this happened? Why are we in this position? Cost is one reason. People have made decisions based on economic factors. Another reason is regional preference. Not all goods are created equal, even if they fall in the same category.

The third reason is preferential trade agreements between different countries or other forms of tariffs or taxes that shape the way flows occur. We’re in a world in which suddenly people are realizing they have to contemplate the consequences associated with concentration—not of suppliers, but of the country of origin from which they’re buying things.

Lucia Rahilly: It sounds like concentration also increases efficiency in some cases where those disruptions don’t occur. Is concentration always a bad thing? If we rethink concentration, can we expect to see some loss of efficiency in the interim?

Olivia White: No, it’s not always a bad thing. But there are a lot of considerations to make that involve costs, involve geopolitical relationships, involve the role that various countries want to play themselves, how they’re thinking about development, how they’re thinking about their workforces. All those things have to be part of the mix.

Imagine three or four different countries, each with three trading partners, and they’re largely different trading partners. Swapping off who’s supplied by whom is a huge problem of coordination.

How global chains will evolve

Lucia Rahilly: Geopolitical risks  have obviously trained a policy spotlight on reimagining these global value chains, whether for security reasons or to strengthen resilience more generally. Accepting that the world remains interdependent, how do we see trade flows continuing to evolve in coming years?

Olivia White: Broadly speaking, there are four categories of potential evolution. Semiconductors are most prominent in public discussion. Electronics, more broadly, is one of the fastest-moving value chains since 1995, with 21 percentage points of share movement per decade. Pharmaceuticals and the mining of critical minerals are other examples. And they will be part of what shifts the way that flows crisscross the globe.

Second category: textiles and apparel. This category is not as sensitive in a geopolitical sense as some of the things I was talking about before. This category is one where you actually do have new hub creation right now. Consumer electronics, other forms of electric equipment that aren’t particularly sensitive, possibly fall in that category too.

Third category: IT services and financial intermediation or professional services. That will reconfigure the ways in which services flow.

Fourth and finally, there’s the stuff that’s just going to be steady—food and beverages, paper and printing. There’s no particular reason to expect that there are strong forcing mechanisms that will change the way those things are flowing across the world right now. They’re things that have remained relatively steady for the past ten or more years.

Global flows are necessary for a net-zero transition

Lucia Rahilly: Do we have a view on whether the evolving state of global flows is helping or hindering the net-zero transition ?

Olivia White: The way I’d put it is, there is no way we move quickly toward a net-zero transition without global flows. There are certainly things about global flows that are tricky from a net-zero perspective. It costs carbon to ship things and move things a long way. But in order for net zero to be attainable, we need to make sure that energy-generating technologies and fuels are able to flow across the world.

Energy-generating technologies include both the minerals that underpin construction of those technologies and the actual manufacturing. So, in the first category, think nickel and lithium. In the second category, think about the actual manufacturing of solar panels. The minerals themselves are processed in only a few countries around the world. So people are going to have to move them from one place to another. Maybe the world could have broader diversification of such things, but on average, the timeline from discovering a mineral to being able to produce it at scale is well in excess of 16 years. If we want to move fast, we have the luxury to move things across the world. Meeting cost curves for manufacturing at scale and in locations where you have at least some established presence is going to be important.

The final element that’s crucial with respect to net zero is cross-border capital flows. It’s really important that developing countries are able to finance shifts in the way that energy is produced and consumed in their countries, which means they may have to both spend more, at least as a ratio of GDP, and have less ability to spend, given other forms of development imperative.

Multinationals and global resilience

Lucia Rahilly: What’s the role of major multinational companies as we look ahead toward reimagining the future of our global connectedness?

Olivia White: The first thing that needs to be recognized is that major multinational corporations play an outsize role in global flows today. Multinationals are responsible for about 30 percent of trade. They’re responsible for 60 percent of exports and 82 percent of exports of knowledge-intensive goods. So they disproportionately drive flows, especially the ones associated with knowledge. And therefore, they’re going to be the center of managing for their own resilience, but also in a collective sense, for the resilience of the world.

The future of global flows

Lucia Rahilly: The media tends to focus on what some see as globalization’s imminent demise. Accepting that global ties continue to bind and connect us across the world, it’s also natural for folks to have pretty strong reactions to these intense and ongoing global disruptions that we’ve experienced in recent years. How would you sum up the way we think about the future of globalization at a high level?

Olivia White: The world we live in right now is highly dependent on flows. Will those flows reconfigure and shift? Yes, absolutely. They have in the past, and they will in the future.

Lucia Rahilly: Do we see anything in the research to indicate that the world is actually moving toward decoupling, which is also very much part of the media narrative?

Olivia White: If you look along regional lines, individual regions can’t be independent. If you just start to play with what sorts of decoupling of regions would be possible, you see very quickly that it’s not something you can do.

Now, is it possible that you would get groups of countries that become more strongly interconnected among themselves and less strongly connected with others? Absolutely. It’s possible to move in that direction. The question becomes, is there an actual decoupling, or do you just have a shift in degree? As with most things in the world, the answer tends toward the shift in degree rather than an abrupt or sharp true change or decoupling.

Lucia Rahilly: Does greater regionalization improve resilience?

Olivia White: To some degree you can say, “Look, if I’m self-sufficient, I’m more resilient.” On the other hand, all of a sudden you depend on yourself for everything, and that’s a point of vulnerability in the same way that getting it only from one other person would be a problem.

There are a whole host of reasons some degree of regionalization might help. You’ve got things closer to you. But dependency just on a few sets of people, whether or not they’re in your region, means you’ve got dependency on just a few points of potential weaknesses rather than a broad web, which in general is a more resilient and robust structure.

Lucia Rahilly: Thanks so much, Olivia. That was such an interesting discussion.

Olivia White: A real pleasure, Lucia. Thank you.

Roberta Fusaro: One example of resilience is AB InBev. Here to talk about how it’s prospering in the face of worldwide disruption is its CFO, Fernando Tennenbaum. This excerpt, “ How to thrive in a downturn: A CFO perspective ,” from our McKinsey Live series, was recorded in December 2022.

Lucia Rahilly: Fernando, we’re confronting an unusual constellation of disruptions: inflation, high interest rates driving up the cost of capital, geopolitical turbulence unexpectedly upending supply chains and sending energy prices spiking—it’s genuinely a volatile moment. Tell us, how is AB InBev faring in the current context?

Fernando Tennenbaum: We’re fortunate to be in a resilient category. Despite these twists and turns in different parts of the world, beer sales have been quite strong. That said, inflation has turned out to be much higher than expected. 2 Market conditions may have changed since this interview was conducted. We need to ensure our operations are in sync with the market, to meet this unique moment. We need to understand the state of the consumer and adjust our operations accordingly.

In emerging markets like Latin America and Africa, inflation is not new news. There are different levels of inflation, but inflation has been a part of these economies for a very long time. Consumers are more used to it, companies are more used to it—and it’s probably a more straightforward discussion.

Lucia Rahilly: You’ve spent much of your career in Latin America where, as you said, inflation has historically been much higher and more volatile than in the US or in Western Europe. Walk us through some of the lessons that we in the US, for example, could learn from.

Fernando Tennenbaum: Make sure that you’re always looking at your customers, and that you’re always keeping up with inflation. You should avoid lagging too much, and you should avoid overpricing compared with inflation. If you do too little or too much, you start disturbing the health of the consumer. If you get it right, it’s probably a good thing for the business. You have to make sure you navigate the rising cost environment while ensuring that the consumer is in a good place, your product is in a good place, and the category is a healthy one. It’s a balancing act.

You should avoid lagging too much, and you should avoid overpricing compared with inflation. If you do too little or too much, you start disturbing the health of the consumer. Fernando Tennenbaum

Lucia Rahilly: AB InBev has a diverse portfolio of brands. Volumes are good. Are customers trading up or down, during this period, between your premium and mass-market brands?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Premiumization continues to be a trend, and consumers continue to trade up to premium brands. Over the course of this year, people often asked whether consumers were trading down—and we see no evidence of trading down. That is true for the US, that is true for Africa, and that is true for Latin America—which is quite unique.

I don’t know if the future will be different; the world is changing so fast. But if you were to ask me ten years from now, I’d expect premium to be even bigger than it is today.

Lucia Rahilly: Let’s talk about uncertainty. The economy could play out in many different ways. How do you manage for that?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Let’s take our debt portfolio. Now is the moment that interest rates are going up. Inflation and borrowing are going up. Overall, this tends to be bad news—but for us, it’s quite the opposite because we don’t have any debt maturing in the next three years. We prepared for this when we saw the world going to a very different place at the beginning of 2020.

We ended up raising some long-term debt and repaying all our short-term debt. Now we’re left with a debt portfolio that has an average maturity of 16 years and no meaningful amount of debt maturing in the next three years—all at a fixed rate. Since we don’t need to refinance, we’re actually buying back our debt. Rising interest rates can be good when you can buy back debt cheaper than it cost to issue.

Lucia Rahilly: You became CFO at AB InBev in 2020, when pandemic uncertainty was at its peak. Talk to us about how you navigated that period.

Fernando Tennenbaum: The first thing we did in 2020 was pump up our cash position. Not that we needed it, but I felt it would give operations peace of mind. To be prepared, we started borrowing a lot of money. And we started taking care of our people. We needed to make sure our people were safe—that was priority number one.

Once we made sure our employees were safe, our operations were safe, then we looked at opportunities and started to fast-forward. I remember we looked at May, for example, and started to see a lot of markets doing well in terms of volume. We had a lot of cash. We started buying back some debt, especially near-term debt, to create even more optionality for the future.

We also accelerated our digital transformation. The moment was uniquely suited for it. Digital was a much better way to reach customers at a time when everybody was afraid to meet in person. In hindsight, the company ended up in a much better place today than it was three years ago—in terms of our portfolio, our digital transformation, and even financially—because we acted very quickly and created a lot of optionality during the first few months of the pandemic.

Lucia Rahilly: Any mistakes to avoid?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Looking back, I wouldn’t have done anything massively different. If I had known the outcome, I might have done things differently. But without knowing the outcome, I felt that the way we managed and the optionality we created set us up well.

Lucia Rahilly: Brewing is such an agriculturally dependent business, and agriculture has been significantly disrupted, both because of the war in Ukraine and because of climate-related risk. As CFO, how do you think about sustainability in terms of longer-term value creation?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Sustainability cuts across the whole of our business. We have a lot of local suppliers—20,000 local farmers. Our brewing processes are natural. The more efficient we are there, the more sustainable we are and, actually, the more profitable we are. We have local operations, and we sell to the local community. And most of our customers are very small entrepreneurs. The more we help them, the better they can run their business. And we say beer is inclusive because we have two billion consumers.

Lucia Rahilly: Is packaging also part of the sustainability approach?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Definitely. For example, we have returnable glass bottles. That’s very efficient, very sustainable, and from an economic standpoint, that’s probably the most profitable packaging we have. It’s also the most affordable for consumers. So it’s good for us, good for the environment, and good for the consumers.

Lucia Rahilly: You said beer is inclusive in part because so many of us drink it. How else do you approach inclusion at AB InBev?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Our two billion consumers are very different from one another. We need to make sure that, as a company, we reflect our consumers. Whenever we look at our colleagues, we need to make sure they reflect the societies where we operate—and we operate in very different societies.

A diverse and inclusive team is going to be a better team. That also applies to our suppliers. For example, if you think about suppliers in Africa, some are very poor. They manage to get access to technology, which means we can track whether they’re receiving the funds we pay them. We can track where agricultural commodities are being sourced. So how we financially empower them is also a very important part of our sustainability strategy.

Lucia Rahilly: Looking ahead, how are you thinking about innovation and investment in technology, in order to enable growth?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Innovation is a key component of beer, and there are two sides to that. One is innovation in products. The other is packaging. In Mexico, for example, we have different pack sizes for different consumption occasions and consumer needs.

Beyond that, there’s also technological innovation. Take our B2B platform, which we started piloting in 2019. Now, three or four years later, we have around $30 billion of GMV [gross merchandise value] in our e-commerce platform, which is accessible in more than 19 countries. That’s the optimal portfolio to improve customer engagement at their point of sale. Before we launched our B2B platform, we used to spend seven minutes per week interacting with our customers. Today, with our B2B platform, we interact with them 30 minutes per week. We increased the number of points of sales. For example, in Brazil, we used to have 700,000 customers, and now we have more than a million customers. Previously, they were buying our products from a distributor. Now we can reach them directly with the B2B system in place.

This connection with our customers means we can do a lot of other things, like our online marketplace, where third-party products generated an annualized GMV of $850 million, up from zero four years ago. That marketplace now continues to grow and to deliver a lot of value for our customers and for ourselves.

Lucia Rahilly: One more question: If you could give one piece of advice to a brand-new CFO of a large, multinational corporation, what would it be in this market?

Fernando Tennenbaum: Make sure you plan for different scenarios. The world is moving very fast, and you can’t expect it to unfold in a certain way. But if you have options, are agile in making decisions, and have a very engaged team, then regardless of the twists and turns, you are able to meet the moment. And you are definitely able to deliver on your objectives.

Lucia Rahilly: I lied. I’m going to ask you one more. How do you see, for these new CFOs, the relationship between sustainability and inclusivity and growth? Do you see those in tension?

Fernando Tennenbaum: There is this myth that you are either sustainable or profitable. At least at AB InBev, we’re sure they go hand in hand. The more sustainable you are, the more profitable you are, and the more value you create for your different stakeholders.

Fernando Tennenbaum is the CFO of Anheuser-Busch InBev. Olivia White is a director of the McKinsey Global Institute and a senior partner in McKinsey’s Bay Area office. Roberta Fusaro is an editorial director in the Waltham, Massachusetts, office, and Lucia Rahilly is global editorial director and deputy publisher of McKinsey Global Publishing and is based in the New York office.

Comments and opinions expressed by interviewees are their own and do not represent or reflect the opinions, policies, or positions of McKinsey & Company or have its endorsement.

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The State of Globalization in 2023

• Steven A. Altman
• Caroline R. Bastian

Data disproves the notion that the world has become more regionalized in recent years.

Plummeting flows of trade, capital, and people at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic prompted a wave of speculation about the end of globalization, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine brought even more predictions of a retreat toward national self-sufficiency. But, according to research for the latest DHL Global Connectedness Index, international flows show no signs of a sustained downturn. The data shows a broad pattern of decoupling between the U.S. and China, but the flows of countries that are geopolitically aligned with the U.S. and China do not — at least yet — indicate a broader split between rival blocs. Nor is there evidence that globalization is giving way to regionalization. While companies do need to adjust for heightened geopolitical tensions, they should not abandon global strategies. Corporate deglobalization, in fact, could be a riskier path than making focused adjustments to mitigate geopolitical risks.

Three key questions lie at the heart of debates about whether global crises and escalating geopolitical tensions have begun to reverse globalization: Has the growth of cross-border trade, capital, information and people flows gone into reverse? Are geopolitical tensions fracturing the world economy into rival blocs? And is globalization giving way to regionalization? The answer to all three questions — despite evidence of U.S.-China decoupling — is still “no.”

• Steven A. Altman is a senior research scholar, adjunct assistant professor, and director of the DHL Initiative on Globalization at the NYU Stern Center for the Future of Management .
• CB Caroline R. Bastian is a research scholar at the DHL Initiative on Globalization.

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A Global version of Locals (a case study on globalization, media & the socio-cultural trends in Türkiye)

• Original Paper
• Published: 06 March 2023
• Volume 3 , article number  54 , ( 2023 )

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• Eyad Trabulsi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5123-2897 1  

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Globalization creates opportunities to local communities if it is addressed via an organized process and by well-structured institutions. Economy has played a key role in promoting globalization, thus, other aspects/dimensions of globalization (i.e. Socio-Cultural, Communicative, and Political) might be more essential for globalization in order to influence local communities. The paper explores the context of trends captured in the Turkish urban & national plans, their potential consequences (opportunities and challenges), and taking into consideration ‘ globalization ’ impact within their broader dimensions (e.g. Socio-Cultural); in order to achieve this mission, and to identify the future trends, the paper conducts: Text /discourse analysis, capturing the most frequently used words in 2 of the main Turkish urban /national plans; Keywords relevance measure. The paper also draws future scenarios, based on the captured trends, forecasting the future potentials and risks.The paper question is: How globalization trends residing in Turkish urban & national plans influence the Future Scenarios of Türkiye? The study is important in order to draw attention to the significance of Socio-Cultural dimension of globalization in shaping the future of nations, and to the profound consequences of its impact. It demonstrates how powerful is Socio-Cultural aspect of urban /national planning in preparing the ground for better future, in light of the significant challenges of globalization on local communities /states.

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Trabulsi, E. A Global version of Locals (a case study on globalization, media & the socio-cultural trends in Türkiye). SN Soc Sci 3 , 54 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-023-00635-5

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Case Study Chapter 9 Globalisation

Students can read the Case Study questions given below for Globalisation Class 12 Political Science. All Globalisation Class 12 Notes and questions with solutions have been prepared based on the latest syllabus and examination guidelines issued by CBSE, NCERT and KVS. You should read all Case Study Questions provided by us and the Class 12 Political Science Case Study Questions provided for all chapters to get better marks in examinations.

Case Study Questions of Globalisation Class 12

There are certain organisations which are set up for providing services to its members and the public in general. Such organisations are called Not for Profit Organisation. Eg: Clubs, charitable institutions, schools, welfare societies etc.

Question. Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follows:  While everything may not be known about the economic facets of globalisation, this particular dimension shapes a large part of the content and direction of contemporary debates surrounding globalisation. A part of the problem has to do with defining economic globalisation itself. The mention of economic globalisation draws our attention immediately to the role of international institutions like the IMF and the WTO and the role they play in determining economic policies across the world. Yet, globalisation must not be viewed in such narrow terms. Economic globalisation involves many actors other than these international institutions. A much broader way of understanding of economic globalisation requires us to look at the distribution of economic gains, i.e. who gets the most from globalisation and who gets less, indeed who loses from it. What is often called economic  globalisation usually involves greater economic flows among different countries of the world. Some of this is voluntary and some forced by international institutions and powerful countries. As we saw in the examples at the beginning of this chapter, this flow or exchange can take various forms: commodities, capital, people and ideas. Globalisation has involved greater trade in commodities across the globe; the restrictions imposed by different countries on allowing the imports of other countries have been reduced. Similarly, the restrictions on movement of capital across countries have also been reduced. In operational terms, it means that investors in the rich  countries can invest their money in countries other than their own, including developing countries, where they might get better returns.

Question. Where does economic globalisation draw our attention to? (A) Declining economy (B) Poverty in the third world countries (C) To the role of international institutions like the IMF and the WTO (D) All of the above

Question. According to broader way of looking at globalisation, what should we focus on? (A) The distribution of economic gains (B) Increasing poverty in third world countries (C) Unemployment in economic sectors (D) Increasing population of the world

Question. In terms of trade, what is the impact of globalisation? (A) Countries are divided in groups and trading with their groups only. (B) Developing countries are not given importance in trade. (C) Any country can receive the opportunity of trading with the other countries. (D) None of the above 

Question. How globalisation should not be viewed? (A) in broader terms (B) in narrow terms (C) positively (D) None of the above

Question. Study the cartoon carefully and give the answers to the question that follows:

Question. How did globalization help in the medical field? (A) Exports of medicines increased. (B) Helped in finding effective and speedy cure for the diseases with the collaboration of the medical facilities and knowledge of many countries. (C) Inviting foreign doctors and creating employment opportunities in the various countries. (D) All of the above

Question. Why is Africa featured in the above picture? (A) Because it is the centre of globalization. (B) The diseases mentioned in the picture have their epicentre in Africa. (C) Because Africa is a poor country. (D) Because world aims at developing Africa.

Question. Who identified the four basic aspects of globalization? (A) IMF (B) UN (C) EU (D) World Bank 

Question. What is depicted in the picture? (A) Spread of nuclear weapons (B) Spread of various diseases (C) Attacks by using biological weapons (D) None of the above 

Question Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follows:  The most visible impacts of globalization are definitely the ones affecting the economic world. Globalization has led to a sharp increase in trade and economic exchanges, but also to a multiplication of financial exchanges. In the 1970s world economies opened up and the development of free trade policies accelerated the globalization phenomenon. Between 1950 and 2010, world exports increased 33-fold. This significantly contributed to increasing the interactions between different regions of the world. This acceleration of economic exchanges has led to strong global economic growth. It fostered as well a rapid global industrial development that allowed the rapid development of many of the technologies and commodities we have available nowadays. Knowledge became easily shared and international cooperation among the brightest minds speeded things up. According to some analysts, globalization  has also contributed to improving global economic conditions, creating much economic wealth. At the same time, finance also became globalized. From the 1980s, driven by neo- liberal policies, the world of finance gradually opened. Many states, particularly the US under Ronald Reagan and the UK under Margaret Thatcher introduced the famous “3D Policy”: Disintermediation, Decommissioning, and Deregulation.

Question. What is the impact of increase in the economic exchanges between the countries of the world? (A) Strong global economic growth (B) Sharp decline in the trade (C) Decline in the unemployment numbers (D) Increase in the index of poverty and hunger index

Question. We can see “a sharp increase” due to globalisation in ………………………….. ? (A) employment and capital (B) trade and economic exchanges (C) poverty and hunger (D) All of the above 

Question. In between which years the world’s export has increased 33-fold? (A) 1970-1980 (B) 1950-1990 (C) 1950-2000 (D) 1950-2010

Question. After the 1980s, which policy was introduced by US and UK? (A) 4D Policy (B) 3D Policy (C) Fair Trade Policy (D) None of the above 

Question. Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follows:  At the most simple level, globalisation results in an erosion of state capacity, that is, the ability of government to do what they do. All over the world, the old ‘welfare state’ is now giving way to a more minimalist state that performs certain core functions such as the maintenance of law and order and the security of its citizens. However, it ithdraws from many of its earlier welfare functions directed at economic and social wellbeing.  In place of the welfare state, it is the market that becomes the prime determinant of economic and social priorities. The entry and the increased  role of multinational companies all over the world leads to a reduction in the capacity of governments to take decisions on their own. What is important is for people in different parts of the world to recognise these interconnections with the rest of the world. Currently, we are aware of the fact that events taking place in one part of the world could have an impact on another part of the world. The Bird flu or tsunami is not confined to any particular nation. It does not respect national boundaries. Similarly, when major economic events take place, their impact is felt outside their immediate local, national or regional environment at the global level. 

Question. The increase in the MNCs all over the world has resulted in ………………….. . (A) the governments’ inability to cater to their needs. (B) the capacity of the nations to incorporate these MNCs. (C) poverty to the population where these companies are set up. (D) reduction in the capacity of governments to take decisions on their own. 

Question. At the most simple level, globalisation results in an erosion of ……………………. . (A) political capacity (B) state capacity (C) capital capacity (D) global capacity

Question. What do the new states withdraw as a result of globalisation? (A) Many of its ethics for the welfare of human race (B) The ideal world order (C) Many of its earlier welfare functions directed at economic and social well-being. (D) All of the above

Question. What is given way recently by the old “Welfare state”? (A) More minimalist state (B) More capitalist state (C) More socialist state (D) More democratic state

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• Published: 06 May 2024

From isolation to revival: trade recovery amid global health crises

• Lijuan Yang   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2042-6431 1  

Globalization and Health volume  20 , Article number:  38 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of designing effective trade recovery measures in response to global health events (GHEs). This study combines international trade risk management theory and multi-case comparative analysis of past GHEs to present a theoretical framework for designing national trade recovery measures for future events.

The research finds that during GHEs, trade risks shift to fundamental uncertainty, requiring spatial–temporal-subject dimension recovery measures. The study suggests changing the focus of trade recovery policy design from emergency-oriented and single-dimension measures to reserve-oriented and enduring-effect measures of comprehensive dimensions at micro- and macroeconomic levels.

The study contributes to the debate on managing trade risks in times of crisis, where there is a need to develop effective trade recovery measures that account for the complexities of global trade and the unique challenges of GHEs. The findings provide practical guidance for trade officials and policymakers to design measures in response to GHEs to improve a country’s overall trade recovery.

Global health events (GHEs), defined as pandemics or crises that widely influence people’s health, have major repercussions. Countries affected by GHEs Footnote 1 need to implement trade recovery measures to resume trade [ 1 ]. Footnote 2 These measures are crucial for mitigating the risks of capital, trade, and supply chain disruptions caused by disasters, reducing the burden of epidemics, and boosting national and global economies. Current research on GHEs is concentrated on medicine and public health issues, and only a few economic studies have been conducted [ 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Even this limited research has tended to peak alongside health events and bottom out when they end. The process of recovering from GHEs by taking comprehensive measures has rarely been discussed. Therefore, by applying international trade risk management theory and multi-case studies, this study examines the design of national trade recovery measures and offers countermeasures for GHEs.

Fifteen GHEs have occurred since the 1990s (Table  1 ), highlighting that their economic impact exceeds their immediate health consequences and regional spread [ 6 ]. Geographically distant health events can potentially reverberate to unaffected countries through international trade [ 7 ]. GHEs adversely affect the country of origin, trade partners, and the global economy [ 8 ]. Globalization has further exacerbated this negative impact. Footnote 3 GHEs affect foreign trade. Footnote 4 The transfer effects of trade bans can drastically harm welfare [ 9 , 10 ], leading to structural fractures in imports and exports [ 11 ]. Moreover, biosecurity measures during disease outbreaks [ 12 ] can indirectly influence technical trade measures that affect emerging countries’ exports to developed countries.

Scholars advocate the following strategies to respond to GHEs. (1) Conducting response measures. Once a global health emergency is under control, it enters the international trade recovery stage. The countries involved in the event must renegotiate trade agreements with their trading partners, strengthen consumer expectations and confidence, and evaluate response measures [ 13 , 14 ]. (2) Planning and sequencing measures. The international trade recovery must transcend the risk model to plan and prioritize trade recovery measures based on the interdependence between public health and trade [ 15 , 16 ]. The affected areas must take pre- and post-prevention and mitigation measures after the disaster outbreak [ 17 ]. (3) Implementing regional measures. The United States (US) adopted regional measures to manage the highly pathogenic avian influenza pandemic and to resume and maintain trade. Trading partner countries accepted the regional recommendations and allowed poultry and poultry product imports from US regions without the disease [ 18 ].

Furthermore, countries must address factors influencing trade recovery, as various factors determine the extent of adverse effects on trade and the duration of recovery. Emerging countries need to follow and strictly enforce the standards of the World Health Organization (WHO) [ 19 ] and deal with dynamic changes in trade and supply chain nodes during GHEs [ 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ]. These efforts should include modeling and scenario simulation based on epidemiology and economic theory [ 25 , 26 ], risk rating of GHEs [ 27 ], and artificial intelligence modeling for potential risks [ 28 ]. The models under continuous development must reflect the dynamic landscape of emergent situations [ 29 ].

Although the WHO and multilateral institutions do not recommend interrupting international trade following a GHE, limited research has provided targeted suggestions for countries to adopt an appropriate course of action [ 30 , 31 ]. The interconnectedness of global health and the global economy highlights the need for such a policy and the relevance of health security efforts [ 7 ] to mitigate immediate health risks and long-term economic disruption. Including economic policies as part of GHE policies leads to collaboration between epidemiologists and economists in an economy-wide pandemic or public health crisis modeling, thereby demonstrating potential benefits [ 32 , 33 ].

This study posits that trade recovery is a dynamic process; hence, designing appropriate trade recovery measures should consider spatiotemporal dimensions and specific stakeholders at various subject levels. Research on developing trade recovery measures covers the spatial dimension but overlooks the time dimension. Lee et al. [ 34 ] established spatiotemporal modeling but did not distinguish different subject levels. Combining the spatiotemporal dimension and specific subject levels in trade recovery measures is essential for their success, ensuring adaptability and coverage across diverse economies. Additionally, comparative studies on countries’ trade recovery after different GHEs are limited, and research on trade recovery measures remains restricted to a single dimension. A clear framework for countermeasures is yet to be developed.

This study investigates trade recovery measures in countries affected by GHEs. The method includes a theoretical analysis based on international trade risk management with comparative multi-case studies. This methodology was developed by scholars such as Stake [ 35 ] and Yin [ 36 ], who formalized the approach as a tool for conducting in-depth explorations within real-life contexts. This qualitative research method enables the examination of complex phenomena within their specific settings, making it particularly suitable for understanding the nuanced implications of trade recovery measures across different geopolitical and socio-economic landscapes.

We construct a time–space-subject recovery measure framework, combining cases from the trade recovery measures adopted by Mexico, the US following the outbreak of influenza A H1N1, Japan following nuclear leakage triggered by a tsunami, three West African countries (Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone) following the outbreak of Ebola, and South Korea following the outbreak of the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS). The framework is to design trade recovery measures for possible future events and for countries that are yet to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic.

Historically, the case method has been leveraged in public health and international policy research [ 6 , 12 , 37 ], offering insights into policy development and implementation. Its adoption in this study, rather than more quantitative methods, allows for a deep, contextual analysis of policy effectiveness and adaptability in diverse scenarios, thereby enhancing our understanding of trade recovery strategies. The application of this framework also supports the synthesis of cross-sector policies, combining health imperatives with economic resilience to devise trade recovery roadmaps for both immediate and long-term strategic planning.

This study’s theoretical and practical contributions are as follows. (1) Exploration of spatiotemporal dimensions and subject-specific levels enriches the design of trade recovery measures, expanding extant research in international trade risk management theory by integrating contextual analysis into risk assessment and mitigation strategies. (2) A comparative analysis of consistency and heterogeneity in trade recovery measures across developed and emerging countries reveals gaps in public health emergency response mechanisms related to international trade, deepening the need for tailored strategies targeting specific economic vulnerabilities. (3) Insights obtained offer references for shaping national trade recovery policies in response to GHEs. Given the post-disaster recovery’s uncertainty, governments must enforce transformative measures [ 37 ], which are both adaptive and robust, to ensure economic stability and resilience.

Theoretical framework for designing trade recovery measures in GHE-affected countries

According to the international trade risk management theory [ 14 , 38 ], the health event emergency management system includes four stages: early warning, preventing spread, controlling or eliminating the event’s impact, and recovery. The emergency’s containment initiates the recovery phase. Countries and regions have a low proportion of recovery work in the health emergency management system, which must be fully developed for trade recovery from GHEs [ 14 ]. During the international trade recovery stage, the affected country must renegotiate trade agreements with its partners, enhance expectations, disseminate information to consumers, and evaluate the implementation effect of the trade recovery measures. Promptly identifying international trade risks and employing risk management measures can prevent and mitigate risks and ensure the smooth progression of trade.

During GHEs, trade policy, market demand, and competition vary; exchange rates between a country and its main trading partners fluctuate; or fixed rates are maintained at a significant cost, leading to objective risks. Although trade subjects cannot eliminate objective risks, they can actively prevent them. GHEs expand the scope of restrictions on the movement of people and goods, with continuously increasing uncertainty within the affected country’s trade environment. The subjective risk of decision-making errors and improper measures increases sharply as governments, organizations, and people face multiple pressures [ 39 ] and emergent behaviors.

GHE-initiated international trade risks are multidimensional, featuring a spatiotemporal evolution. Measured in time, an epidemic’s early, middle, and late stages face short- and medium-term risks. The risk extends from the epidemic’s origin to neighboring countries and major trading partners. With aggravating uncertainties and risk factors, the potential impact of GHEs on trade expands beyond short-term scales and localities, further increasing the complexity of trade recovery.

Subject levels, including international, national, industrial, enterprise, and consumer, simultaneously face systematic risks caused by GHEs. The cognitive prediction of events leads to pressure superposition, unbalanced considerations, and decision-making errors, thereby increasing the risk of improper measures. These risks are intertwined throughout GHEs, making it more difficult for affected countries to recover their normal trade levels [ 14 , 15 , 16 ]. Recovering from health events through only one type of measure is infeasible.

To address the international trade risks triggered by GHEs, the trade recovery countermeasures of affected countries must be strengthened in their spatiotemporal dimensions and include international, national, industrial, enterprise, and consumer groups for different subject levels. Efforts should include tracking the epidemic’s evolutionary stage and identifying its regional characteristics, as shown in [ 18 , 40 ], which highlighted the effectiveness of region-specific trade policies during the Ebola outbreak. Moreover, it is necessary establish a national trade recovery countermeasure repository featuring adequacy, flexibility, and completeness. These measures are essential to shift from an emergency single-trade recovery measure design to a comprehensive, long-term trade recovery measure design (Fig.  1 ).

Trend of goods exports in countries with GHEs, 1995–2018 (current price, USD 10 billion) . Source: Author’s analysis based on data from the World Bank Database

Comparative case study on trade recovery measures after GHEs

This study comparatively analyzed the trade recovery measures of relevant countries in the aftermath of four GHEs: the H1N1 influenza that developed in Mexico in 2009 and spread to the US, affecting both countries and their major trading partners; the 2011 Fukushima nuclear leak; the 2014 Ebola virus outbreak that spread rapidly in West Africa; and the 2015 MERS outbreak introduced to South Korea by international travelers. Despite their sudden onset, these GHEs triggered various national trade recovery measures because of differences in their nature.

A comparative case study methodology, conducive to exploring the characteristics of national trade recovery measures and the specifics of the events [ 41 ], supported by Yin [ 36 ] for its effective analysis of complex phenomena within realities, was applied. This method involves a systematic collection, comparison, and analysis of case data to identify patterns, test theories, and derive insights that are not apparent through singular case analyses. In implementing this methodology, this study meticulously documented the sequence of trade policy adjustments, timing (spatiotemporal dimensions), and targeted entities (subject dimensions) for each GHE case. This approach enabled the identification of overarching strategies that successfully mitigated trade disruptions, as well as frequent challenges across varied geopolitical and economic contexts. The analytical process involved detailed case descriptions to highlight similarities and differences in GHE impacts and trade response effectiveness. This structured analysis underscored the necessity of incorporating spatiotemporal and subject-specific considerations in formulating trade policies in response to GHEs. This leads to the argument for a nuanced, multidimensional approach to trade recovery policy-making.

Four GHEs this century

The 2009 h1n1 influenza pandemic.

The H1N1 influenza emerged in March 2009 in Mexico and the US. On June 11, 2009, the WHO declared it a global public health emergency of international concern [ 42 ], with the pandemic alert level peaking on this date [ 43 ]. The WHO declared the end of the pandemic in August 2010. In 18 months, it caused more than 18,000 deaths and affected more than 200 countries [ 44 ].

The 2011 Fukushima nuclear leak

On March 11, 2011, an earthquake struck the Pacific Ocean, causing a tsunami that triggered a nuclear leak [ 45 ]. The US announced an import ban on Japanese food from radiation-affected areas. Additionally, South Korea and the European Union issued trade bans, while China, Thailand, and Vietnam required radiation inspection certificates for food produced in Japan.

The 2014 Ebola epidemic

In March 2014, the Ebola epidemic broke out in Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia in West Africa. In August 2014, the WHO declared it a GHE. The official report on October 15 revealed 8,997 cases and 4,493 deaths [ 46 ]. The WHO announced the end of the epidemic in Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Liberia in November 2015, December 2015, and January 2016, respectively.

The 2015 MERS epidemic

In May 2015, the first MERS case was diagnosed in South Korea, with the disease spreading in medical institutions. Thirty-six patients died, and 186 were infected [ 47 ]. As the disease did not exhibit sustained human-to-human transmission, it was not classified as an international public health emergency. In December 2015, the WHO declared the end of the outbreak.

Comparison of the four GHEs with national trade recovery

Similarities.

The H1N1 flu occurred in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, further slowing the recovery of the affected countries. Owing to travel restrictions and trade embargoes, the tourism industry lost USD 2.8 billion, with the trade deficit in pork and pork products’ reaching USD 27 million. Mexico’s exports fell by 26% in the first quarter of 2009 [ 48 ]. The US economy was struggling and reached a nadir after the subprime crisis. The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed at 6763.29 on March 2, 2009, the lowest since April 1997 [ 49 ]. The H1N1 outbreak in April 2009 significantly decreased US GDP, retail sales, and exports of pork and pork products.

As the Japanese government could not provide on-time tests for all trade partners, Japan’s agricultural products and food exports to these countries stagnated. In the first quarter of 2011, Japan’s economy contracted at an annual rate of 3.7% [ 50 ]. In the aftermath of the earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear leakage, the economy continued to shrink over the next 6 months (GDP fell 0.9% from January to March), and private consumption fell by 0.6%. In September 2012, the government announced that the country was entering a recession [ 50 ].

The Ebola epidemic affected transportation, tourism, agriculture, and mining. Trading countries and airlines issued travel restrictions to affected areas [ 46 ]. Agricultural production was affected, with the epidemic limiting the transport of agricultural products to consumer areas, raising product prices. Conakry’s governor banned Eid celebrations on October 2, 2014 [ 51 ]. Travel bans implemented by national authorities and airline flight suspensions [ 46 ] cut off trade among West African countries and their partners for about 6 months until August 31, 2014. The loss of workers and travel restrictions reduced mining activity. The US government sent USD 2.89 billion in foreign aid to West Africa, focusing its efforts on Liberia [ 51 ].

The MERS outbreak reduced the number of tourists visiting South Korea by 2.1 million, resulting in a loss of USD 2.6 billion in tourism revenue. Additionally, the accommodation, catering service, and transportation sectors suffered losses of USD 542 million, USD 359 million, and USD 106 million, respectively [ 52 ]. This pushed the transportation sector’s service index below the expected levels in June 2015 and the accommodation and catering industries’ service indexes below the expected levels in June and July 2015.

Heterogeneities

H1N1 flu was a pandemic caused by viral variants. The Fukushima event was a technological disaster triggered by a strong earthquake but mainly caused by industrialization [ 53 ]. The Ebola virus was a highly infectious and destructive disease; the widespread nature of the West African outbreak relates to the highly mobile communities and densely populated regions affected in the early stages [ 51 ]. South Korean cases of the MERS virus, which originated in Saudi Arabia, were introduced through international travel.

Duration and influence areas

The H1N1 flu lasted approximately 1 year, affecting Mexico and the US. Following the nuclear accident, some countries prohibited agri-food product imports from Japan’s irradiated areas from 2011 to the present (e.g., the US and China). Footnote 5 The Ebola epidemic lasted 2 years, primarily affecting African countries. More than 13,000 confirmed cases were reported globally, with 4,951 deaths and a 36% mortality rate by October 2014. Although the outbreak involved only three countries, there was widespread and intense transmission in the West African region, and four nations (Nigeria, Senegal, Spain, and the US) reported initial cases or localized transmission. The MERS epidemic was challenging for South Korea’s medical system for more than 7 months.

Event outcomes

After the H1N1 outbreak, countries restricted travel and banned the imports of pork products, which affected their trade with Mexico, the US, and the rest of the global economy. Unwarranted concerns based on inappropriate designations also led to official and unofficial bans by 17 countries on US pork and pork product imports, with China maintaining its ban until mid-December 2009 [ 54 ]. The Fukushima nuclear accident primarily affected Japan’s agricultural product exports because its trade partners were concerned about radioactive contamination [ 55 ], while the Ebola epidemic endangered Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia’s economic growth, leading to trade stagnation, foreign investment withdrawal, and a food crisis. MERS negatively affected South Korea’s tourism industry.

Evidence for these event outcomes is as follows.

Impact of GHEs on export volumes

In 2009, Mexico and US export volumes decreased by 21.13% and 17.97%, respectively, over the previous year (Fig.  2 ). Japan’s commodity export volume increased by 6.94% in 2011 over 2010, with a limited share of the Fukushima agricultural food export in Japan’s total foreign trade. Guinea’s commodity exports increased by 10% in 2014 over 2013 but decreased by 13.79% in 2015 over 2014, indicating the Ebola epidemic’s lagging effect on Guinea’s exports. In 2014, Liberia’s and Sierra Leone’s merchandise exports decreased by 54.7% and 19.04%, respectively, over 2013. South Korea’s merchandise exports decreased by 8.02% in 2015 over 2014.

Trends in international tourism revenue changes in GHEs-affected countries, 1995–2018 (current price, USD 10 billion). Data for Guinea and Liberia are missing from the World Bank Database. Source: Author’s analysis based on data from the World Bank Database

International tourism income changes in countries affected by GHEs

Mexican and US revenues decreased by 14.83% and 11.36%, respectively, in 2009 over 2008, and Japan’s revenues decreased by 18.38% in 2012 over 2011. In Sierra Leone, revenues decreased by 46.97% in 2014 over 2013, and in South Korea, by 16.43% in 2015 over 2014 (Fig.  3 ). Income from trade and transport fell because of the closure policy adopted during the Ebola outbreak, which also disrupted other business activities [ 56 ].

Theoretical framework for the design of trade recovery measures for GHE-affected countries. Source: Author’s analysis

Trade recovery

Developed countries (i.e., the US, Canada, and South Korea) have relatively robust health systems, sound economic foundations, and short trade recovery periods. The H1N1 epidemic lasted a year, after which exports from Mexico and the US returned to pre-pandemic levels. As an emerging economy, Mexico maintained its trade with the US during the outbreak; thus, trade recovered rapidly. In 2010, Mexico and US tourism revenues exceeded the level achieved in the 2009 pandemic year.

The impact of the Fukushima nuclear leakage on Japan’s export trade and tourism industry was limited, especially within Fukushima prefecture. Although Japan’s international tourism revenue declined in early 2011, the number of foreign tourists to Japan returned to 70% of that year by September 2012. By contrast, it took more than a decade to eliminate the consequences of the Fukushima disaster on the agricultural product trade. Agriculture production and trade resumed when decontamination was confirmed, which took a long time. In 2017, trade levels improved, and international tourism numbers recovered, exceeding pre-GHE levels [ 57 ].

Even before the Ebola outbreak, West African countries were impoverished and pursuing economic development. Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia recovered their export levels within 2 years of the outbreak, but the economic recovery time was long. Guinea’s export recovery was notable; its export trade increased in 2015 over 2014 before decreasing in 2016, although it remained above the pre-outbreak level. In 2015, Liberia’s export volume decreased by 20.57% and did not return to its pre-epidemic level until 2018. Sierra Leone’s exports declined slowly from 2015 until they increased in 2018; however, these are yet to achieve their pre-epidemic level. International tourism income increased by USD 2 million in 2015 over 2014 before fluctuating upward (Figs.  1 and 2 ).

Comparison of trade recovery measures in GHE-affected countries

The common points of the affected countries’ trade recovery measures include countries that chose active fiscal and monetary policies to achieve trade recovery. Consumers, enterprises, and significantly damaged industries were crucial areas for trade recovery.

Mexico and the US

In May 2009, Mexico implemented a tax rate reduction and funding aimed at small and midsize enterprises in the tourism and transportation industries. Furthermore, it reduced its interbank interest rate and announced a financing plan to inject funds into the economy through institutions (i.e., the National Financial Development Bank) to support small and medium enterprises. The Mexican government revived its economy by introducing rules/regulations to facilitate mergers and acquisitions that promoted the development of the southeast economy within Mexico.

During the H1N1 outbreak, the US economy faced a slowdown in an unstable policy environment following the 2008 financial crisis. The country passed a law to support economic recovery and encourage reinvestment. The Federal Reserve cut interest rates to save financial institutions and enterprises on the brink of bankruptcy and help families with excessive debt. On July 12, 2009, the U.S. Department of Health announced the allocation of an additional USD 1 billion to fight A H1N1 influenza. Footnote 6 Despite reductions in US–Mexico air routes, trade between the two countries continued.

In March 2011, Japan launched a post-disaster recovery and reconstruction program, and the Reconstruction Agency was established in 2012. The timeframe included the Intensive Reconstruction Period (2011–2015), with USD 250 billion allocated, and the Reconstruction and Revitalization Period (2016–2020), with USD 65 billion. Japan also established a comprehensive environmental monitoring system. Footnote 7 To accelerate the resumption of normal business operations, the government supported the establishment of temporary stores, increased investment in support funds, and repaired damaged buildings.

Special financial support to reduce enterprises’ burden included establishing a Japanese financial company specialized in recovery and loans intended for reconstruction after the earthquake. The interest rate was slashed, and separate loan limits, extended loans, and repayment terms were established. The interest rate was reduced to almost zero for small and midsize enterprises whose office facilities were destroyed during the earthquake, and the government improved its management and financing. Tourism and other affected industries were supported, and entertainment and consumer destinations, such as Tokyo Disneyland, reopened to revitalize the local economy and restore international confidence after the disaster.

West Africa

Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone introduced short-term response policies to ensure the health systems and economic sectors’ timely recovery. The Guinean government formulated a USD 2-billion post-Ebola recovery plan, with 63% allocated to improving nutrition, health, education, and children’s services and promoting socioeconomic recovery [ 43 ]. It emphasized that the disease’s spread was enhanced by poverty and illiteracy, while noting that the epidemic presented an opportunity to strengthen the country’s economic, social, and institutional resilience. Sierra Leone prioritized the implementation of universal health insurance, whereas Liberia focused on improving post-outbreak areas such as health staffing, infrastructure, monitoring, and response.

The outbreak of a large-scale epidemic in Africa attracted attention from the international community. The United Nations, World Bank, IMF, and US launched a series of epidemic prevention and financial support policies to assist the West African countries in combatting the outbreak. These policies included initial funding of USD 200 million from the US National Institutes of Health to foster cooperation between academic institutions in the US, Liberia, and Sierra Leone on virus research, including vaccine development and new testing and treatment methods. The World Bank approved a USD 110 million IDA assistance to help West Africa establish and expand disease surveillance systems [ 43 ].

South Korea

In June 2015, the central bank of South Korea cut its interest rate to 1.5% [ 58 ], issued special financing support, and promoted structural reforms in public utilities, finance, education, and labor sectors. The Korean government provided special insurance for visitors to Korea, covering all medical and MERS-related expenses. The government concurrently introduced supportive policies to reduce consumption taxes on automobiles and large household appliances, offering discounts and organizing shopping festivals. Commercial enterprises offered discounts on commodities and services to stimulate domestic demand and launched the Black Friday Shopping Festival. To accommodate the peak summer vacation from late July to early August and absorb the demand for popular products flowing overseas during the epidemic, Korean enterprises actively supported tourism recovery and extended the discount season from winter until August to attract consumers.

The main measures of trade recovery

After the GHEs, the affected governments implemented internal countermeasures to recover. Korean commercial enterprises also participated in the recovery process through marketing measures. Conversely, although the three West African countries implemented internal trade recovery measures, given their economic development and medical infrastructure level, they required additional support from the international community to recover.

Emphasis on trade recovery

Most countries strengthened entry-exit control and ensured strict isolation to prevent an epidemic. International flights were reduced, with some countries isolated. Mexico and the US, however, maintained trade ties during the H1N1 influenza pandemic. After controlling the pandemic, the countries used fiscal and monetary policies to manage the affected tourism and agricultural trade. The Japanese government’s trade recovery was based on environmental monitoring measures. When the affected region’s government officials pushed for and promoted marketing measures, it mitigated the nuclear accident’s adverse psychological effects on foreign consumers, thereby advancing the recovery of agricultural exports. The three West African countries’ trade recovery measures are nested in a broader socioeconomic promotion plan. Countries with adequate trade recovery considered the epidemic would opportunistically promote domestic economic development and improve medical facilities with the international community’s support. South Korean commercial enterprises focused on stimulating local demand.

Trade recovery measures differ between developed and emerging economies

During the MERS outbreak, South Korea implemented an economic stimulus plan to assist domestic enterprises. Developed economies, such as the US and Japan, also developed support measures for small and midsize enterprises. During the Ebola epidemic, however, West African countries could not provide such resources, and international organizations, such as the World Bank, United Nations Children’s Fund, and WHO, came to their rescue (Table  2 ).

Comparing the cases with the theoretical framework

This study enhances the theoretical framework using case study evidence. Combining the theoretical framework in " Results " section , trade recovery measures in the time dimension of these countries require further clarification, especially when the event was under control and during the trade recovery stage. In the time dimension (Fig.  3 ), after the GHE was under control (especially after the warning and outbreak), the countries embarked on the process of trade recovery (including early, middle, and late stages).

Implementing the foundations of trade recovery can enhance governments’ timely responses to GHEs. Robust trade recovery infrastructures significantly improve response times during health crises [ 13 , 37 , 50 ]. Trade recovery measures differ based on cities, regions, and domestic countries, with urban centers often rebounding more rapidly owing to better resource allocation [ 59 , 60 ]. International cooperation is critical for trade recovery, especially for emerging countries, as exemplified by the joint efforts during the 2014 Ebola crisis that facilitated regional trade resumption [ 61 ]. The trade recovery measures of developed countries are more comprehensive than those of emerging countries, helping to shorten their recovery time, with the OECD highlighting the correlation between recovery measures and reduced economic downtime [ 62 ]. Countries can classify and enrich trade recovery measures by applying the time–space-subject three-dimensional framework analyzed earlier and establishing a countermeasure repository (see Table 3  in " Comparative case study on trade recovery measures after GHEs " section) to recover from GHEs

Each GHE revealed areas for improvement in trade recovery measures. The responses to the nuclear leakage accident and the H1N1 influenza epidemic suffered from a lack of timely action and resource allocation [ 53 , 59 ]. Management of the MERS and Ebola outbreaks has been criticized for insufficient coordination and resource deployment [ 34 ]. The outbreak of GHEs has exposed the weaknesses in global governance, manifesting in uncoordinated public health and economic systems, and the failure to manage these events to achieve a better balance among health, economic, and trade shocks. This lack of synergy exacerbates the severity of health, economic, and trade shocks during these crises. Establishing joint committees of the WHO, WTO, and potentially other international organizations, such as the International Monetary Fund and United Nations, could provide a comprehensive approach to managing these conflicts. The effectiveness of such collaborative efforts has been documented in the joint WHO–WTO response to the SARS and H1N1 outbreak, which enhanced global preparedness and response capabilities [ 63 ]. Such joint committees could create a real-time data repository for cross-border information sharing, outline a tiered protocol for trade actions, manage a dedicated emergency fund, and conduct bi-annual stress tests. This would not only inform member nations’ preparedness for future GHEs as recommended by the WHO, WIPO, and WTO but also renew their commitment to supporting integrated solutions for global health challenges [ 64 ].

Moreover, implementing trade recovery measures in countries affected by GHEs will generate short-term impacts on trade and investment with a delayed effect. According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities [ 65 ], recovery measures typically result in initial disruptions that are offset by longer-term gains in efficiency and market access. During GHEs, the successive implementation of trade recovery measures influences current economic activities; however, these measures have a delayed and long-term impact. UNCTAD [ 66 ] revealed that the full benefits of the trade recovery measures from the pandemic were not realized until several years post-crisis, underscoring the need for patient capital and sustained policy support. Improving the effects of trade recovery measures requires evaluating the implementation effects of the affected country’s measures in response to GHEs, as demonstrated by the World Bank’s analysis of response strategies during the 2014–2015 Ebola outbreak. This provides crucial insights into the effectiveness of regional trade policies [ 61 ].

The following countermeasure repository clarifying the time–space-subject dimensions is chosen for countries experiencing GHEs (Table 3 ). Measures in the time dimension are differentiated in the short, medium, and long terms. Measures in the space dimension strengthen the choices of different geographic areas in the various affected levels (the degree to which an area has been affected by GHEs). The subject dimension highlights the heterogeneity of measures at the international, regional, national, industrial, and consumer levels. Countries experiencing a GHE can choose measures from this repository to address their specific needs.

Early stage of trade recovery

Countries should implement short-term policies with an open, transparent, and timely response. These policies should include the following.

Adopting short-term fiscal and monetary policies

Short-term policies were the primary measures employed by all four countries during the early stages of trade recovery. The availability of open and transparent information helps the government evaluate and control the situation. Timely isolation is significant in controlling an epidemic’s spread, thereby reducing infection and mortality rates. Short-term fiscal spending, income reduction, and credit policies (e.g., tax and reduction of property and insurance fees) can target the most impacted industries. The business cycle prefers a moderately loose monetary policy. Short-term policies should minimize the socioeconomic burden of people affected [ 67 ]. For emerging countries, countermeasures to reduce the economic burden are essential for mitigating the adverse effects rather than increasing employment and economic output [ 33 ].

Implementing trade policies to maintain open trade

During a GHE, neighboring countries and major trading partners fear the epidemic spread through trade channels, triggering trade bans and interruptions. Flight controls and border closures affect countries beyond those implementing the measures [ 46 ]. During the Ebola outbreak, West African countries closed their borders, disrupting regional trade and threatening the essential supply and livelihood of the host countries [ 30 , 31 ]. The affected countries and trading partners should keep trade as open as possible to secure an adequate supply of necessities. During the early stages of trade recovery, reducing trade costs (government-imposed trade costs such as tariffs and quotas) can help protect trade and economic openness. At the international, national, and industrial levels, timely trade policies should be implemented to avoid trade bans and actively respond to technical barriers to trade (TBTs) imposed by other countries. At the national level, affected countries must promptly reduce their short-term trade barriers. Footnote 8 The increased trade barriers during the COVID-19 pandemic further destroyed trade (i.e., the global food system) [ 68 ].

Middle and later stages of trade recovery

Rapid control of spreading diseases or radioactive substances poses challenges and leads to long-term lag effect on national trade recovery. While quantifying total trade losses from epidemics and nuclear radiation remains difficult, prioritizing national trade recovery is essential for normalizing trade. Measures taken during GHEs should be adjusted based on the overall trade recovery progress to prevent trade friction and expedite the normalization of trade and economic policies. The policy package aimed at ensuring timely trade normalization should incorporate the following three elements.

Highlighting macroeconomy-tolerant fiscal and monetary policies

The GHEs significantly disrupted total consumer spending during the middle and later periods of trade recovery. Policy interventions to maintain economic growth are therefore preferable. During GHEs, governments must coordinate their efforts to manage working time arrangements and determine the optimal level of public debt based on production technology and disease characteristics to effectively implement fiscal policy [ 69 ]. Simultaneously, medium- and long-term structural policies must be launched while establishing epidemic risk assessment tools. Measures include improving monitoring systems and raising public awareness of prevention and control measures. Pharmaceutical companies should be incentivized to develop new antiviral drugs and vaccines and enhance their production capacity. Footnote 9 Measures to increase medical reserves, such as adopting advanced technologies and medical infrastructure, should be pursued.

Supporting key industries and enterprises at medium and micro levels

Efforts include implementing targeted policies for industries significantly affected by the GHE to protect the interests of small and midsize enterprises, particularly those engaged in import and export businesses directly affected. Measures should target preferential policies and subsidies for small and midsize enterprises and prevent unemployment. Enterprises should continue to pay wages and facilitate employee benefit claims despite economic uncertainty. Global manufacturers and retailers can improve e-commerce for shopping channels, develop trust and confidence among e-commerce participants, and promote compatibility with international norms [ 70 ].

Attracting investment

GHEs can reduce or cause a withdrawal of foreign direct investment from affected countries. When the health event is controlled, implementing tax relief can help reduce losses promptly and promote major investing countries’ and trading partners’ investment plans. For example, foreign investment was withdrawn or withheld during West Africa’s Ebola outbreak. Even after the epidemic was under control, the withdrawn foreign capital slowed the economic recovery of the most affected countries. Weak investment was the primary restraint on trade recovery, accounting for approximately 80% of the decline in goods trade between 2012 and 2016 and between 2003 and 2007 [ 71 ]. Countries should actively maintain a stable financial system and encourage foreign direct investment inflows during the middle and later recovery periods.

Conclusions

This study investigated the impact of GHEs and designed countermeasures to address trade recovery based on theoretical and case analysis. The following conclusions are drawn. First, the unexpected and unique nature of GHEs complicates trade recovery. There were differences in the types of GHEs, their transmission times, and diffusion regions across the four health events. Regardless of the home country’s coping strategy or the experience gained from these events, the trade recovery capability of these countries warrants improvement. Second, the trade recovery measures for the four GHEs were heterogeneous in their focus and effectiveness among developed and emerging economies. Fiscal and monetary policies were more commonly used, followed by recovery measures for specific regions and industries. Enterprises must actively stimulate demand (i.e., marketing, e-commerce). Third, trade recovery measures should be implemented from a spatiotemporal perspective, considering specific subject levels. Short-term policies were the primary focus for affected countries during the early stages of trade recovery. Medium- and long-term policies were crucial for ensuring open trade and trade normalization in the middle and late stages.

The results indicate that trade recovery measures should operate in the space–time-subject dimension. Expedient short-term policies should be adopted during the early stages of recovery (i.e., tax relief and trade subsidies) to stabilize the affected economies rapidly. As recovery progresses, medium- and long-term financial, monetary, and trade policies (i.e., bilateral trade agreements and currency stabilization) should be preferred in the middle and later stages to sustain and bolster economic recovery. Designing trade recovery policies at the international, national, industrial, enterprise, and consumer levels should shift from emergency actions to comprehensive, reserve-oriented, and enduring-effects measures. These policies should address needs at different levels, such as permanent trade corridors to facilitate uninterrupted trade flows and consumer loyalty programs in sustaining market demands.

Our study acknowledges the comprehensive WTO trade measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, which documented diverse practices of trade facilitation and restriction across member states. According to the WTO’s report [ 72 ] and further detailed trade policy discussions [ 73 ], these measures significantly influenced the economic landscape globally, highlighting the need for adaptable tailor-made trade policies to specific country contexts. Building on these findings, we suggest that future trade recovery strategies should leverage both the resilience measures and lessons learned during the pandemic. Specifically, effective temporary trade measures identified by the WTO can serve as models for swift deployment in future global health emergencies, aiming to minimize disruptions to trade flows.

Limitations and future research

This study proposed that trade recovery countermeasures designed for countries with GHEs should distinguish between spatiotemporal dimensions and specific subject levels. Different trade recovery countermeasures inevitably produce overlapping effects (i.e., fiscal and easy monetary policies can promote trade recovery). However, this study did not fully explore the interactive or cumulative impacts of these overlapping countermeasures, leaving room for determining the most effective policy combinations. Further research is needed on the superimposed effects of trade promotion and combined policies. For example, clarifying these mechanisms requires analyzing the channels and results of various trade recovery countermeasures affecting trade recovery, collecting quarterly, monthly, even daily, and real-time data from countries with GHEs, and applying difference-in-difference, breakpoint regression models, as well as propensity score matching to identify the mechanism and countermeasures’ effects. This approach can provide insight into the overlapping effects of multiple trade recovery policies.

Availability of data and materials

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

GHEs affect the long-run evolution of the economy. This study assumes that countries experiencing GHEs will enter a new stage of development and show a long-run economic evolution.

The economy evolves endogenously. A GHE always affects/changes the economy, altering its evolutionary path. Therefore, countries affected by GHEs try to resume or recover trade by implementing trade recovery measures.

This causation runs both ways.

This research focuses on the impact of GHEs on trade; however, since forever, the relationship has run both ways.

The US Food and Drug Administration response to the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power facility incident (May 14, 2023). https://www.fda.gov/news-events/public-health-focus/fda-response-fukushima-daiichi-nuclear-power-facility-incident Scholars also focus on the motivations/interests of the US agricultural community before and after the event—for example, the nuclear event was just an excuse to prohibit imports. This is also an interesting future topic.

US $1 billion to fight against influenza A (H1N1), China News Report , October 10, 2022. https://news.ifeng.com/c/7fYidCErT3J

Efforts toward reconstruction of Tohoku, Reconstruction Agency of Japan, May 14, 2023. https://www.reconstruction.go.jp/english/index.html

Facing COVID-19, the affected countries did the opposite. These activities clearly exposed the weakness of the current recovery measures taken by the countries. Enhancing trade barriers are emergency-oriented measures taken by countries facing multiple uncertainties, while reducing trade barriers are reserve-oriented and enduring-effect measures that benefit countries affected by GHEs.

Incentivizing pharmaceutical companies is challenging while recognizing their right to make a profit and the public’s opposing rights and interests. Governments need to play a role in avoiding their monopoly on meeting private interests while encouraging their progress, innovation, and social responsibility.

Abbreviations

• Global health events

Middle East respiratory syndrome

World Health Organization

World Trade Organization

United States

Artificial intelligence

Technical barriers to trade

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Post-funded project of the National Social Science Fund of China, “Research on academic frontier theory and policy of the economics of standards” [Grant No. 21FJLB039]; Soft Science Special Project of Gansu Basic Research Plan, “Research on promoting trade development between Gansu and countries along the Silk Road through harmonization of standards” [Grant No. 23JRZA385]; The China Association of Trade in Services project, “Research on the Impact of Digital Trade on Manufacturing Production Efficiency”[Grant No. FWMYKT-202429].

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Yang, L. From isolation to revival: trade recovery amid global health crises. Global Health 20 , 38 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12992-024-01048-6

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Case Study Questions Class 10 Economics Globalization and the Indian Economy

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Case study Questions in Class 10 Social Science Economics Chapter 4  are very important to solve for your exam. Class 10 Social Science Chapter 4 Case Study Questions Class 10 Economics have been prepared for the latest exam pattern. You can check your knowledge by solving case study-based questions for Class 10 Social Science Chapter 4 Globalization and the Indian Economy

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In CBSE Class 10 Social Science Paper, Students will have to answer some questions based on  Assertion and Reason . There will be a few questions based on case studies and passage-based as well. In that, a paragraph will be given, and then the MCQ questions based on it will be asked.

Globalization and the Indian Economy Case Study Questions With Answers

Here, we have provided case-based/passage-based questions for Class 10 Social Science  Chapter 4 Globalization and the Indian Economy

Case Study/Passage-Based Questions

Case Study 1: Let us see the effect of Foreign trade through the example of Chinese toys in the Indian markets. Chinesemanufacturerslearnofanopportunitytoexport toystoIndia, where toys are sold at a high price. They start exporting plastic toys to India. Buyers in India now have the option of choosing between Indian and the Chinese toys. Because of the cheaper prices and new designs, Chinese toys become more popular in the Indian markets. Within a year, 70 to 80 percent of the toy shops have replaced Indian toys with Chinese toys. Toys are now cheaper in the Indian markets than earlier. What is happening here? As a result of trade, Chinese toys come into the Indian markets. In the competition between Indian and Chinese; toys, Chinese toys prove better. Indian buyers have a greater choice of toys at lower prices. For the Chinese toy makers, this provides an opportunity to expand business. The opposite is true for Indian toy makers. They face losses, as their toys are selling much less.

(i) The Chinese toys have made a global presence in Indian markets too. If India bans Chinese products in their market then what will it imply? (a) It will decrease the competition in the Indian markets. (b) It will be an unhealthy business practice. (c) It will impact economic as well as political relations between the two nations. (d) Both (b) and (c)

Answer: (d) Both (b) and (c)

(ii) What is the basic function of foreign trade with reference to the given case? (a) It connects markets of different countries. (b) It creates opportunities for only the buyer to approach foreign goods. (c) It connects markets of two countries only. (d) Foreign trade connects developed countries only.

Answer: (a) It connects markets of different countries.

(iii) What will happen if tax is imposed on Chinese toys? (a) Chinese toymakers will benefit. (b) Indian toymakers will prosper. (c) Chinese toys will remain cheap (d) Indian consumers will buy more Chinese toys.

Answer: (b) Indian toymakers will prosper.

(iv) How have markets been transformed in recent years? (a) Goods become cheaper and have many choices to the user. (b) Lower job opportunities for people. (c) High competition among the makers of goods and services (d) Both (a) and (c)

Answer: (d) Both (a) and (c)

(v) How does foreign trade integrate the markets? (a) Producers get an opportunity to go beyond their domestic markets. (b) Producers can sell their produce in markets all over the world. (c) Both (a) and (b) (d) Foreign trade has limited the scope of enhancing trade among the countries

Answer: (c) Both (a) and (b)

(vi) Read the following statements and choose the incorrect statements about the impacts of Chinese goods on the Indian goods market. I. Indian goods are facing crises due to cheap products offered by China into the Indian markets. II. Chinese goods dominate the Indian markets. III. Indian goods are less expensive then Chinese goods. Codes (a) Both I and II (b) Only II (c) Only III (d) Both II and III

Answer: (c) Only III

Case Study 2: The chapter “Globalization and the Indian Economy” in Class 10 Economics explores the impact of globalization on the Indian economy. It delves into the concept of globalization and how it has transformed various sectors of the economy, including trade, investment, and technology. The chapter discusses the liberalization and privatization policies implemented in India to integrate with the global economy. It examines the positive and negative effects of globalization on different sections of society, such as farmers, workers, and consumers. The chapter also covers the role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the Indian economy and the challenges faced by domestic industries in the era of globalization. Additionally, it emphasizes the need for inclusive and sustainable development in the context of globalization.

Which chapter in Class 10 Economics focuses on globalization and the Indian economy?

a) Chapter 1: Development

b) Chapter 3: Money and Credit

c) Chapter 5: Consumer Rights

d) Chapter 7: Globalization and the Indian Economy

Answer: d) Chapter 7: Globalization and the Indian Economy

What sectors of the Indian economy are discussed in relation to globalization?

a) Only agriculture sector

b) Only manufacturing sector

c) Only services sector

d) Trade, investment, and technology sectors

Answer: d) Trade, investment, and technology sectors

What are some of the effects of globalization on different sections of society discussed in the chapter?

a) Positive effects on farmers, workers, and consumers

b) Negative effects on farmers, workers, and consumers

c) No effects on farmers, workers, and consumers

d) Positive effects on multinational corporations (MNCs)

Answer: b) Negative effects on farmers, workers, and consumers

What are some of the challenges faced by domestic industries in the era of globalization?

a) Increased competition from multinational corporations (MNCs)

b) Access to new markets and technology

c) Government support and protection

d) No challenges faced by domestic industries

Answer: a) Increased competition from multinational corporations (MNCs)

Hope the information shed above regarding Case Study and Passage Based Questions for Class 10 Social Science Economics Chapter 4 Globalization and the Indian Economy with Answers Pdf free download has been useful to an extent. If you have any other queries about CBSE Class 10 Social Science Globalization and the Indian Economy Case Study and Passage Based Questions with Answers, feel free to comment below so that we can revert back to us at the earliest possible By Team Study Rate

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Test: Globalization- Case Based Type Questions - Humanities/Arts MCQ

16 questions mcq test - test: globalization- case based type questions, study the cartoon carefully and give the answers to the question that follows: q. who identified the four basic aspects of globalization.

• D. World Bank

Study the cartoon carefully and give the answers to the question that follows: Q. Why is Africa featured in the above picture?

• A. Because it is the centre of globalization.
• B. The diseases mentioned in the picture have their epicentre in Africa.
• C. Because Africa is a poor country.
• D. Because the world aims at developing Africa.

Study the cartoon carefully and give the answers to the question that follows: Q. What is depicted in the picture?

• A. Spread of nuclear weapons
• B. Spread of various diseases
• C. Attacks by using biological weapons
• D. None of the above

Study the cartoon carefully and give the answers to the question that follows:

Q. How did globalization help in the medical field?

• A. Exports of medicines increased.
• B. Helped in finding effective and speedy cure for the diseases with the collaboration of the medical facilities and knowledge of many countries.
• C. Inviting foreign doctors and creating employment opportunities in the various countries.
• D. All of the above

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follows:

At the most simple level, globalisation results in an erosion of state capacity, that is, the ability of government to do what they do. All over the world, the old ‘welfare state’ is now giving way to a more minimalist state that performs certain core functions such as the maintenance of law and order and the security of its citizens. However, it withdraws from many of its earlier welfare functions directed at economic and social wellbeing. In place of the welfare state, it is the market that becomes the prime determinant of economic and social priorities. The entry and the increased role of multinational companies all over the world leads to a reduction in the capacity of governments to take decisions on their own. What is important is for people in different parts of the world to recognise these interconnections with the rest of the world. Currently, we are aware of the fact that events taking place in one part of the world could have an impact on another part of the world. The Bird flu or tsunami is not confined to any particular nation. It does not respect national boundaries. Similarly, when major economic events take place, their impact is felt outside their immediate local, national or regional environment at the global level.

Q. What is given way recently by the old “Welfare state”?

• A. More minimalist state
• B. More capitalist state
• C. More socialist state
• D. More democratic state

Q. The increase in the MNCs all over the world has resulted in ....................... .

• A. the governments’ inability to cater to their needs.
• B. the capacity of the nations to incorporate these MNCs.
• C. poverty to the population where these companies are set up.
• D. reduction in the capacity of governments to take decisions on their own.

At the most simple level, globalisation results in an erosion of state capacity, that is, the ability of government to do what they do. All over the world, the old ‘welfare state’ is now giving way to a more minimalist state that performs certain core functions such as the maintenance of law and order and the security of its citizens. However, it withdraws from many of its earlier welfare functions directed at economic and social wellbeing. In place of the welfare state, it is the market that becomes the prime determinant of economic and social priorities. The entry and the increased role of multinational companies all over the world leads to a reduction in the capacity of governments to take decisions on their own. What is important is for people in different parts of the world to recognise these interconnections with the rest of the world. Currently, we are aware of the fact that events taking place in one part of the world could have an impact on another part of the world. The Bird flu or tsunami is not confined to any particular nation. It does not respect national boundaries. Similarly, when major economic events take place, their impact is felt outside their immediate local, national or regional environment at the global level.

Q. At the most simple level, globalisation results in an erosion of ......................... .

political capacity

capital capacity

state capacity

global capacity

Globalization has had a dual effect on the sovereignty of the nation-state. Yet, simultaneously, economic integration has limited the range of policy options available to states. This has diminished their capacity to meet these obligations.

Q. What do the new states withdraw as a result of globalisation?

• A. Many of its ethics for the welfare of human race
• B. The ideal world order
• C. Many of its earlier welfare functions directed at economic and social well-being.

While everything may not be known about the economic facets of globalisation, this particular dimension shapes a large part of the content and direction of contemporary debates surrounding globalisation. A part of the problem has to do with defining economic globalisation itself. The mention of economic globalisation draws our attention immediately to the role of international institutions like the IMF and the WTO and the role they play in determining economic policies across the world. Yet, globalisation must not be viewed in such narrow terms. Economic globalisation involves many actors other than these international institutions. A much broader way of understanding of economic globalisation requires us to look at the distribution of economic gains, i.e. who gets the most from globalisation and who gets less, indeed who loses from it. What is often called economic globalisation usually involves greater economic flows among different countries of the world. Some of this is voluntary and some forced by international institutions and powerful countries. As we saw in the examples at the beginning of this chapter, this flow or exchange can take various forms: commodities, capital, people and ideas. Globalisation has involved greater trade in commodities across the globe; the restrictions imposed by different countries on allowing the imports of other countries have been reduced. Similarly, the restrictions on movement of capital across countries have also been reduced. In operational terms, it means that investors in the rich countries can invest their money in countries other than their own, including developing countries, where they might get better returns.

Q. How globalisation should not be viewed?

• A. in broader terms
• B. in narrow terms
• C. positively

Q. In terms of trade, what is the impact of globalisation?

• A. Countries are divided in groups and trading with their groups only.
• B. Developing countries are not given importance in trade.
• C. Any country can receive the opportunity of trading with the other countries.

Q. Where does economic globalisation draw our attention to?

• A. Declining economy
• B. Poverty in the third world countries
• C. To the role of international institutions like the IMF and the WTO

Q. According to broader way of looking at globalisation, what should we focus on?

• A. The distribution of economic gains
• B. Increasing poverty in third world countries
• C. Unemployment in economic sectors
• D. Increasing population of the world

The most visible impacts of globalization are definitely the ones affecting the economic world. Globalization has led to a sharp increase in trade and economic exchanges, but also to a multiplication of financial exchanges.

In the 1970s world economies opened up and the development of free trade policies accelerated the globalization phenomenon. Between 1950 and 2010, world exports increased 33-fold. This significantly contributed to increasing the interactions between different regions of the world.

This acceleration of economic exchanges has led to strong global economic growth. It fostered as well a rapid global industrial development that allowed the rapid development of many of the technologies and commodities we have available nowadays.

Knowledge became easily shared and international cooperation among the brightest minds speeded things up. According to some analysts, globalization has also contributed to improving global economic conditions, creating much economic wealth.

At the same time, finance also became globalized. From the 1980s, driven by neo- liberal policies, the world of finance gradually opened. Many states, particularly the US under Ronald Reagan and the UK under Margaret Thatcher introduced the famous “3D Policy”: Disintermediation, Decommissioning, and Deregulation.

Q. In between which years the world’s export has increased 33-fold?

• A. 1970-1980
• B. 1950-1990
• C. 1950-2000
• D. 1950-2010

Q. After the 1980s, which policy was introduced by US and UK?

• A. 4D Policy
• B. 3D Policy
• C. Fair Trade Policy

Q. We can see “a sharp increase” due to globalisation in ................................ ?

• A. employment and capital
• B. trade and economic exchanges
• C. poverty and hunger

Q. What is the impact of an increase in the economic exchanges between the countries of the world?

• A. Strong global economic growth
• B. Sharp decline in the trade
• C. Decline in the unemployment numbers
• D. Increase in the index of poverty and hunger index

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